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UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR 
NOBLEMAN 



BY 
PAUL VAN BRUNT JONES 

Associate in History in the 
University of Illinois 



A THESIS 

PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN 

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 

THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



CEDAR RAPIDS IOWA 
THE TORCH PRESS 
NINETEEN EIGHTEEN 



UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



- 



THE HOUSEHOLD OE A TUDOR 
NOBLEMAN 



BY 
PAUL VAN BRUNT JONES 

Associate in History in the 
University of Illinois 



A THESIS 

PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN 

PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 

THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



CEDAR RAPIDS IOWA 
THE TORCH PRESS 
NINETEEN EIGHTEEN 



, 



r 4\ 



Copyright, 1918 
By the University of Illinois 



a 27 WW 



Reprinted from the 

University of Illinois Studies in Social Sciences 

Volume VI, Number 4 



To my Mother 

in her seventy -third year 

I inscribe this little ivork 

with love and reverence 



PREFACE 

In this study I have sought to describe the organization and 
management of one of the most remarkable institutions of Tudor 
England; the noblemen's households indeed, were central insti- 
tutions in the life of that age, from whatever aspect — social, 
intellectual, economic, or other — it be viewed. The materials 
used, chiefly household accounts and regulations, have been those 
available in print; the titles are relatively few, but the content 
of most of the items is exceedingly rich ; could they be thorough- 
ly exploited, in fact, a very complete picture of English manners 
and customs, during that most fascinating period, could be 
drawn from them, since the Stewards or other responsible Offi- 
cers set down in their books every expenditure, whether it were 
a progress with its lavish, costly outlay, or the purchase of a 
pipe for the household Fool. These documents overlap the 
Tudor period chronologically, Lord John Howard's Accounts 
beginning in 1462, while those of Lord William Howard of 
Naworth end with the year 1640; so little fundamental change 
was there, though, during the interval, in the methods of house- 
hold management — tradition and dearly loved precedent ever 
working for uniformity — that the construction of a composite 
from them has been, I believe, a safe venture. 

I began this study as a graduate student, and therefore it is not 
possible to thank here all those to whom I am deeply indebted for 
advice and other help. Especially, however, am I bounden to Pro- 
fessors Earle W. Dow, of Michigan, and Edward P. Cheyney, of 
Pennsylvania, for scholarly direction and criticism. From their 
instruction, as good old Jamie Melville said of the teaching of his 
beloved Knox, "I took away sic things as I could comprehend;" 
had my limitations been fewer, this book were the better ! Pro- 
fessor Cheyney allowed me to select this subject for study from 
his list of proposed monographs in the period he has so ably 
made his own, and he generously advised me during my investi- 
gations and writing. Also I am grateful to Professor Charles 
H. Cooley, of Michigan, who kindly read a first draft of parts of 
this work, suggesting many corrections and changes which were 
very useful to me. My sister, Mrs. Edwin P. Nutting, read the 
entire manuscript, improving it materially, and my wife has 
helped me through the tedious proof-reading and indexing, for 



which assistance I am pleased here to thank them both. And 
finally I express now my sincere appreciation of the courteous, 
helpful service of the Librarians of the Universities of Pennsyl- 
vania and Michigan, of the Philosophical Society of Philadel- 
phia, and of the New York Public Library, which I have so 
freely enjoyed — also of the careful cooperation of those of The 
Torch Press who have handled this book for me. 

Paul V. B. Jones 
University of Illinois 
January, 1918 



CONTENTS 

Chapter page 

I The Personnel of the Household 9-23 

II The Family and the Servants 23-63 

III The Food of the Nobility 64-76 

IV Supply Purveyance in the Hands of Noblemen 77-100 

V Supply Purveyance in the Hands of Servants 100-134 

VI Financial Management in the Household 135-147 

VII Great Chamber and Hall Service in the Household 148-176 

VIII Worship and Charity in the Household 177-201 

IX Miscellaneous Service in the Household 202-221 

X Some Diversions in the Household 222-238 

Appendix A 239-241 

Appendix B 242 

Appendix C 243-245 

Appendix D 246 

Bibliography 247-251 

Index 252-257 



CHAPTER I 
THE PERSONNEL OF THE HOUSEHOLD 

So noble a man, so valiaunt lord and knyght, 
Fulfilled with honor, as all the world doth ken; 

At his commaundernent which had both day and nyght 
Knyghtes and Squyers, at euery season when 
lie calde vpon them, as meniall houshold men ; . . . 1 

John Skelton. 

"The English are serious like the Germans; lovers of show, 
liking to be followed wherever they go by whole troops of ser- 
vants, who wear their master's arms in silver fastened to their 
left arms; . . . " 2 Thus wrote Paul Hentzner, a Branden- 
burg jurist, who was traveling in England in 1598. As a for- 
eigner, he was much impressed by the ostentatious display of 
part of the household equipment of an English nobleman. How 
he would have been struck by the survey of a complete estab- 
lishment in operation! Unfortunately, however, his lively ob- 
servations on the manners of the English are brief indeed and 
we must draw our own picture of that remarkable institution. 

The household of an English nobleman in the Tudor period 
was an exceedingly large and complicated organization. The 
term "household/' as then used, included as well the master's 
family as his servants. This gave to the average menage a 
considerable membership, and made of the large households 
veritable communities of men. 

A learned man who well knew the age of the great Queen, 
writing early in the 17th century, mentions an earl who "kept 
ordinarily in his house two hundred persons . . . " 3 Extant 
household books kept by different great noblemen of the time 
under consideration demonstrate the truth of this affirmation. 

i Skelton, Lament on the Doulourous Dethe of the Erie of Northumber- 
land, Dyce edition, 1. 

2 Paul Hentzner 's Travels in England, London, 1797, 63. 

3 Brathwait, Household of an Earle, 11. 

9 



10 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [284 

In 1469, two hundred and ninety-nine people made up the 
domestic establishment of George, Duke of Clarence. 4 This was 
above the average in size, while the much less pretentious house- 
hold of John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, was almost as far below 
the mean. The latter nobleman paid wages to sixty-five ser- 
vants in his employ on October 9, 1483, and while there were 
certainly a few other people in this establishment, it is impossi- 
ble to say how many. 5 

At Michaelmas quarter (September 29th) in the third year 
of King Henry the 8th, (1512) one hundred and sixty-six men, 
women, and children, all told, were listed on the check-roll of 
Henry Algernon Percy, the 5th Earl of Northumberland 6 — most 
of these in office directly for the maintenance of his stately house. 
Sir Thomas Lovell, in 1542, paid wages to ninety-seven servants, 
while the Earl of Rutland, his son, remunerated ninety-one for 
services done in the 28th year of Henry the 8th ; 7 but the real 
number in the latter 's employ, possibly then, and certainly in 
1539, was nearer one hundred and thirty-five. 13 About the mid- 
dle of the 16th century, Richard Bertie and his Countess were 
hiring some eighty servants, besides gardeners, dairy-maids and 
laborers, which servitors, if duly enumerated, might easily make 
the number of people ordinarily living at Grimsthorpe House 
more than one hundred. 9 

There were over one hundred and fifty hirelings in service for 
Henry, Earl of Worcester, who lived from 1577-1646. His was 
an establishment similar to the dignified household maintained 
by the great Earls of Derby, Edward, and Henry, after him. 
In May of 1587 when house was "set up" at Lathom, one of the 
family manors in Lancashire, one hundred and eighteen people 
were living right with the Earl Henry in "daily attendance;" 10 

4 Royal Household Ordinances, 105. 

s Howard Household Boolcs, 468-470. The doubt as to the exact number 
of servants in this establishment arises from the fact that, while there are 
numerous mentions of servants in these household books, they do not contain 
any official lists as do most of the other similar accounts. 

s Northumberland Household Boole, 1827 ed., 45. 

7 MSS. of Duke of Eutland, 4, 260-261. 

slbid., 284 sq.; ibid., 296 sq. 

9 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 459-460. 

io Stanley Papers, Part 2, 23-37. 



285] THE PERSONNEL OF THE HOUSEHOLD 11 

while in 1590 his servants alone numbered one hundred and 
forty through additional help — footmen, laundresses and oth- 
ers, which were required in several of the departments. 11 

Lord "William Howard of Naworth Castle in Cumberland, 
never, at least from 1612 until his death in 1640, regularly em- 
ployed so many as eighty servants. In 1633 the names of sev- 
enty-eight were on his pay roll, 12 but the number varies between 
1612-1640 inclusive, from forty-five in the former year, 13 to 
seventy-eight in 1633. 14 This lesser state was probably due to 
Howard's taste and needs, or to his status among the nobility, 
rather than to any great change in the domestic arrangements of 
this entire class of English society. "We have already noted the 
comparatively small establishment of John Howard, Duke of 
Norfolk, of a much earlier date, as well as the great household 
of Lord "William Howard's contemporary, Henry Earl of "Wor- 
cester. 15 

Every household, as observed, consisted of two groups of peo- 
ple. Comprising the first were the noble lord and his own family, 
often enough with various kin, close relatives, who also lived and 
had their being beneath his roof. The second group was a large 
body of household servants of various standings and degrees, 
from the three or four great officials always at the head of the 
group, together usually with young noblemen, some of them 
wards, trying their prentice hand at the life, later perhaps to be 
their own, and the several ecclesiastics always in a household, 
down through the ranks of yeomen and grooms, chamber and 
dairy maids to the bands of youngsters set to work in the kitchen 
or the brew house, where their little abilities were useful. 

The distinction, however, between family and servants, was in 
some households made somewhat obscure, at least so far as the 
higher servitors were concerned, by the frequent practice of 
filling the more important offices with members of the family. 

The princely estate of the great 5th Earl of Northumberland, 

nl&td., 84-88. 

12 Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 501. 

is Ibid., 490-491. 

i* Ibid., 500-501. 

!5 An average household had a membership of about one hundred and 
thirty souls, if we may found an average on these eleven representative 
houses flourishing at different times in the Tudor period. 



12 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [286 

already mentioned, well famed in its day for its majesty, was 
one of the largest and most elaborate of all the households of 
which detailed record remains. In the year 1512 there were 
"daily abiding in the Earl's house," maintained and maintain- 
ing, the following interesting people: Of the family, the earl, 
with his wife, the Lady Catherine; their three sons — Henry, 
Lord Percy, the heir and subsequently 6th Earl of Northumber- 
land; the second son, Thomas, and the third, Ingelram, Percy, 
both, of course to become knights. There was at this time only 
one daughter in the family — the little Lady Margaret, All 
these children were youngsters, if we may judge from the well 
equipped nursery. In addition, the earl's brothers are men- 
tioned as included, at least at times, in the household. Of these 
there were three — Sir "William, knight ; Allan, clerk, and Jose- 
line Percy. Of domestics, whose chief if not only duty was at- 
tendance upon these of the family, there were several — a yeo- 
man and a groom for my young lord and his brothers; two 
"rockers" and a child to attend in the nursery; three gentle- 
women and two chamberers for Lady Catherine, and three ser- 
vants for each of the earl's brothers. 16 

At the head of the household were four chief officers the 
Chamberlain, Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller. Not to de- 
fine here the positions of these men, it will suffice to say that in 
concert or singly they were in charge of the other servants and 
much of the household management. Each of these officers had 
certain men and boys detailed especially to serve him ; thus the 
Chamberlain's group, with that dignitary himself, counted seven, 
including his chaplain, clerk, two yeomen, ' ' a child of his cham- 
ber, " and his horsekeeper. The Steward had likewise his clerk, 
child and horsekeeper; the Treasurer, a clerk and horsekeeper, 
and the Comptroller "charged" was also allowed but the two, 
viz., a clerk and a horsekeeper. 

16 This entry is a bit obscure ; it reads : ' ' My Lordes Brether every of 
theym with theire Servaunts iiij as to say if thei be Preists his Chapelyn 
his Childe and his Horskepar And if he be other ways his Clerk his Childe 
of his Chambre and his Harskepar. " — Northumberland Household Boole, 
ed. 1827, 43. Is the meaning, that the service differed according to the 
character of the first servant, or, as seems more likely, if one of the brothers 
should be a finest, then his attendants were chosen accordingly? According 
to Bishop Percy, the Allan Percy mentioned above was Warden of Trinity 
College at Arundel in Sussex. Op. cit., xxiv. 



287] THE PERSONNEL OF THE HOUSEHOLD 13 

Next in rank were the Dean of the Chapel, and his servant; 
the Surveyor 17 and his; two members of my lord's council, 18 
each of whom had his servant, and the Secretary, who was also 
allowed his man. There were six Chaplains: an Almoner who 
had a servant if he was a "maker of interludes," the servant to 
write the parts; if the Almoner were not the happy possessor 
of that joyous forte then he stood alone; a Master of Grammar, 
a riding Chaplain for the Earl Percy, a Sub-dean, a "Gospeller," 
that is, a priest who read the Gospel, and a Lady Mass Priest. 

Two Gentlemen Ushers were allowed a servant, while especially 
for the noble Earl Percy, were two Carvers, two Sewers (servers 
of food), and two Cup-bearers, each pair of which had its man, 
unless these young men were in the household ' ' at their friends 
finding," or support, under which condition each was to have 
his own servant — an interesting note which gives us a bit of the 
procedure connected with the very prevalent practice of placing 
young noblemen or gentlemen 's sons in great houses for a part of 
their early training. For the "board's end" 19 were two Gen- 
tlemen "Waiters with their one servant. Of henchmen, and 
"young gentlemen" at their friend's finding, 20 there were five — 
three of the former and two of the latter. There was one ' ' Offi- 
cer of Arms" who might be either a Herald, or a herald's at- 
tendant — a Pursuivant, 21 and two Yeomen Ushers of the Cham- 
ber. 

The Chapel service was highly estimated, for no fewer than 
fifteen people were required to conduct it. Nine of these were 
men styled ' ' Gentlemen of the Chapel, ' ' being the Choir Master, 
two tenors, four "counter-tenors," the "Pistoler," that is, one 
whose duty was the reading of the Epistle, and "one for the 
organs;" the other six were children — trebles and means. 

Two men marshalled the Hall and had the customary servant 

i? An officer whose duties had to do with the estates of Earl Percy. 

18 A body of men whose advice and assistance were required in running 
the household, attending to petitioners, etc. 

is That is, the end of the dining-table in the Great Chamber, where the 
earl and his family sat at meals. 

2 o I do not think that there is any confusion between these young men 
"at their friends finding" and the carvers, cup-bearers, etc., spoken of 
above. These latter might, or might not, be supported in the household by 
their friends. 

2i Northumberland Household Boole, 35. 



14 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [288 

between them. There were also a Yeoman Usher of the Hall, six 
Yeomen of the Chamber, and five Yeomen Waiters, while the 
so-called "yeoman officers" of the household were eleven; one 
of the Robes, one of the Horse, one of the Vestry, one of the 
"Ewery" — the place where the ewers, or hand basins and cer- 
tain other utensils were kept, a yeoman officer of the pantry, one 
of the cellar, one of the buttery, a yeoman cook ' ' for the mouth, ' ' 
one each for the bake and brew house, and a yeoman porter. 

There were twenty grooms and groom officers. Five were 
called Grooms of the Chamber, of which three were delegated 
"to ride with my Lord," while of the other two it was decreed 
that one was "to bide at home," while his companion was espe- 
cially for the service of Lady Catherine. Three were Grooms 
of the Wardrobe who devoted their time respectively to the 
"robes," the beds, and to the gowns of Lady Percy. Further, 
there was a groom for each of the following posts: the ewery, 
pantry, cellar, and the buttery; two for the kitchen, of which 
one was "for the mouth," and the other for the larder, and 
finally — there were a Groom of the Hall, a Groom Porter, a 
Groom of the Stirrup, a Groom of the Palfreys, a Groom Sump- 
terman, a Groom of the ' ' Chariot. ' ' 

Ten youngsters besides the Children of the Chapel, were en- 
rolled for duty, one in each of these places — the Wardrobe, 
Kitchen, Scullery, Stable, "Chariot," Bakehouse, "Butchery," 
Catory, Armory, and finally — one to assist the Arras-mender. 22 

A small corps of minstrels were regularly paid to render their 
pleasing services, the members of which were performers upon 
the tabour, the lute, and the rebeck — a sort of three string 
fiddle ; 23 while a seemingly miscellaneous group included the 
Footman, two Falconers, a Painter, Joiner, Huntsman, and the 
Under Almoner of the Hall, whose specified duty was to serve 
the Grooms of the Chamber with wood; but of all functions, 
more later. 

The little army of ten clerks must have kept the whole estab- 
lishment duly footed up and balanced ! They were sub-divided 
among the following departments — Kitchen, Signet, 24 Foreign 

22 As his title implies, a man to keep the arras or wall-hangings in 
repair. 

23 Northumberland Household Book, 415. 

24 Pertaining to all work like letter-writing, which had to receive the 
earl's seal. Vide ibid., 328. 



289] THE PERSONNEL OP THE HOUSEHOLD 15 

Expenses, 25 Brevements, 26 the Clerk "Avenar," 27 "Works," 28 
Clerk of the ' ' Wearing Book, ' ' 29 and one, an assistant ' ' to write 
under the clerks of the Foreign Expenses. ' ' The solitary miller 
brings up the rear! 

Turning now to a somewhat later period, we note substantially 
the same impressive personnel assembled for the proper main- 
tenance of his Grace Henry, the Earl of Derby. All, of the one 
hundred and eighteen people, who, in May of 1587, were en- 
rolled in this nobleman 's household, belonged, with the exception 
of five, to the serving group. Those five were the Earl Henry's 
brother, Sir Edward Stanley, and four servants in his employ. 

At the head of the establishment stood the customary high 
officials — Mr. Steward, Mr. Comptroller, and Mr. Receiver-Gen- 
eral, 30 each having three servants of his own. The earl had also 
an Auditor and a private Secretary, though these places are not 
mentioned in his check-roll. 31 Of Gentlemen Waiters, there were 
eight, including Mr. Bushey, the earl's page. Two Clerks of the 
kitchen, Wm. Aspinowle and Mychell Doughtie conducted the 
important office in their charge. There was but one Chaplain, 
Sir Gilbert Towneley — a remarkable change wrought by the 
Reformation, from the kind of religious administration main- 
tained in the Northumberland household. 

The nineteen yeomen officers, six of whom were alternatives, 
had duties in the following stations: the Chamber, where were 
two Yeomen Ushers: the cellar, in which either Richard Makin, 
or Jhon Lawton served : the Hall, choice lying between the ser- 
vices of ffransis (sic) Hamlet or Edward Parker: Porters, either 
Anthony Wells or Edward Spenser: Butlers, either Edward 
Ellis or Jhon Mordant : the pantries, where either William Dod- 
dile or Thomas Wilson might be stationed : the ewery where was 
to be found either William Marson, or Jhon Barber : the ' ' ward- 
robe of beds," regularly requiring the time of three men, the 

25 Probably expenses incurred outside of the household expenses, strictly 
considered. Vide ibid., 398-400. 

26 Brevements were accounts of food, etc., dispensed. 

27 A clerk in charge of oats and other horse feed. 

28 Improvements, repairs, etc. 

29 A book in which account of linen, etc., in use was kept 
3 ° I.e., of rents, fees, etc. 

3i Stanley Papers, Part 2, 31, 35, etc., and Introduction of the same, vi 
and note. 



16 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [290 

two Parkers, Henry, junior and senior, and Edward Mason: 
while lastly, two of these yeomen officers — Richard and "William 
Mollynewx, were arras men. 

Six men, Richard Borrowes, Edward Halsall, William Edling, 
Gilbert Holme, Edward Smythe, and Edward Stockeley, exer- 
cised the office of Grooms of the Chamber to the Earl Henry, 
while two more, Thomas Plombe and Thomas ffietcher (sic) were 
paid as sub-grooms. The twelve Yeomen Waiters, Petter Wroe, 
Thomas ffoster, Robert Doughtie, Thomas Hayworth, Geordge 
Hayworth, Cvttberde Gerrarde, Richard Lockevell, Robert 
Smythe, Petter Hille, Thomas Simcock, Richard Travers, and 
Jhon Siddall, had their ranks further recruited in hunting sea- 
son by one, Thomas Bickerstath. 

Edward Derby, the immediate predecessor of the Earl Henry, 
maintained a company of minstrels in his household, 32 but at 
this time the only musicians were the two trumpeters, Jhon 
King and Geordge Campion. 

The great kitchen service required the labor of eleven men, in- 
cluding an alternative, and two of the number, Jhon Blackeladge 
and Henry Taillior were appointed especially for work in the 
scullery. One William Gawen held the very careful post of 
Caterer, while there were two slaughtermen, two bakers, two 
brewers, a malt-maker, a candle-man, three footmen, two Al- 
moners, two carpenters, a gardener, a " rough caster " or plasterer, 
two "hop-men," and two laundresses — Margaret Scaresbrike 
and Ellen Gaskell, who appear to have been the only female 
servants in the entire establishment. 

There were thirteen men in the barn-yard brigade — William 
Wainewright, Yeoman of the Horses, Gilbert Parstcote, coachman, 
Ewan Wainewright, Hugh Bury, "yeoman of my Lord's stoerop- 
pes," Jhon Pollet, Jhon Vergus, yeoman of the "waineryes," 
Hugh Leylonde, Jhon Mollyneux, Ewan Simcote, Hugh Cropper, 
Henry Standishe, Henry Otie, and George Mosscroppe. With 
this humble crew, and listed in the most lowly place in the whole 
roll, was one who probably little cared ' ' Henry ye ffoolle. ' ' 33 

The only important difference between a small household, like 
that of John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, and the very large estab- 

32 Whittaker 's Hist, of Craven, 233. Cited by Ed. Raines in his intro- 
duction to the Stanley Papers, Part 2, vi. 
ss Stanley Papers, Part 2, 23-27. 



291] THE PERSONNEL OP THE HOUSEHOLD 17 

lishments, like the two whose memberships have just been given, 
lay largely in the number of servants employed, rather than in 
the general character and purpose of the help. 

There were few members in the family of Lord John Howard 
of Stoke in Suffolk, in 1481; in fact, besides the lord and his 
lady were only their young daughter and her youthful husband, 
Lady and Lord Berners, Nor did Howard, as we have noted 
earlier employ the small army of household servants so many of 
the nobility hired. While it is quite impossible to tell complete- 
ly what were the official positions of his servitors, withal, the 
list of known vocations in his household was very much like those 
of the larger houses. 

Lord John had his Steward, a man named Bliant 34 who faith- 
fully attended to the manifold duties of his weighty office during 
1482 and 1483, being made Comptroller sometime late in the latter 
year, 35 when another Steward was at once appointed. 36 In 1483 
the Receiver was one Ovy, 37 while the Auditor was John 
Knight ; 38 that same office was filled for the two previous years, 
however, by a man with the euphonious appellation of Watkyn 
Fulbone. 39 Wodde, or Wood was the Treasurer, 40 while a Sec- 
retary, an official unmentioned before the elevation of the Lord 
John to his dukedom is in service subsequently. 41 A priest, Sir 
William Davys, commonly addressed as "Sir William," was 
given wages regularly; his employment was varied, however, 
and he was certainly not the sole administrator to the spiritual 
needs of the Howard household. Another priest, Sir Pers or 
Perys Aleghe, of the parish of "Polsted," received 8.s for his 
first Mass before Howard and his Lady, and Lord and Lady 
Berners, which he sang on Sunday the 26th day of May, in the 
22nd year of Edward the 4th. 42 So much for the principal offi- 
cials as they were usually ranked. 

Among the lesser servitors, the Caterer was for some time a 

si Howard Household BooJcs (Collier), 74. 

35 Ibid., 439. 

36 Hid., 439, 441, 442, etc. 

37 Ibid., 453. 

38 Ibid., 480. 

39 Ibid., 117, 346. 

40 Ibid., 97. 

4i Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 441, 465, etc. 
42 Ibid., 208. 



18 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [292 

Richard Wolman, 43 but that office was later filled by a man 
called Holt. In this household furthermore were all those ser- 
vants, usually officially called yeomen and grooms, though here 
we are able to distinguish them only in terms of their places. 
Thus constantly mentioned were Lawrence of the Hall, 44 Nicholas 
Wardrobe, 45 Nicholas of Buttery, 46 Oliver the Butler, 47 Robin of 
Stable, 48 Richard of Stable, 49 Webbe of Stable, 50 Will of Bake- 
house, 51 Andrew of Chamber, 52 Maud of the Kitchen, 53 Jak of 
Kitchen, 54 Hary of Cellar, 55 Edmond of Ewery, 56 , the Footman, 57 
etc. 

There was a Clerk of the Kitchen, 58 whose brother, with the 
apt cognomen of " Gauge, " may have been his assistant. A 
brewer, a baker, and a cook were of course hired. 59 The cook 
was assisted by "Jak" above noted, who may have been one of 
the children of the kitchen. We may complete this general 
group, by including in it two men whose presence about the 
place at Stoke must have been welcome then, and whose names 
delight us yet to-day, though they afford us but a mute and 
pathetic vision of once bright souls. Surely the hours were 
not all leaden, where "Nicholas the singer" and "Thomas the 
Harper" lived! 60 

Unfortunately Stoke was by no means exempt from the an- 
noying ravages of rats and moles, and two professional exter- 
minators of these two varieties of vermin — a "rat man" 61 and 

« ibid., 216. 

44 Ibid., 56, 94, etc. 

45 Ibid., 52, 59, etc. 

46 Ibid., 124. 
4T Ibid., 97. 

48 Ibid., 58, 90, 96, etc. 

49 Ibid., 390. 
so Ibid., 52. 
si Ibid., 125. 
52 Ibid., 361. 

ss Ibid., 114, 169, etc. 
silbid., 102. 

55 Ibid., 470. 

56 Ibid., 470. 

57 Ibid., 440. 

ss Howard Houstfwld Books (Collier), 135. 

59 Ibid., 213. 

eo Ibid., 48, 124, 163, 203, 284, etc. 

6i Ibid., 51. 



293] THE PERSONNEL. OF THE HOUSEHOLD 19 

a ' ' mole killer, ' ' 62 drew wages occasionally in their official ca- 
pacities. Howard also employed a "bird taker" 63 whom it is 
perhaps unfair to associate thus with the pest fighters. This 
may have been the fellow called another time the "partreche 
taker," 64 or still again, "the faconer. " 65 

Lord John Howard followed the prevalent custom of busying 
various groups of children about the house in one capacity or 
another, and he also paid for the services of a few female hands. 
Thus at Stoke there were youngsters regularly in the kitchen, 
buttery and stable, while another little band of five sang in 
choir at the Chapel Service. 66 These young folk were known 
habitually, like their older prototypes, in the terms of their ser- 
vice — as " the Children of the keching, ' ' 67 or, individually, 
"Campbell, lad of the Kechyn," 68 "Colte, child of the Eat- 
ery," 69 "Little Richard of the Chapel," 70 or "Edward of the 
Chapel." 71 This same indiscriminate merging of name in office 
also occurred with the women servants; thus there was "Anes 
chamberer, " 72 "Katherine of Chamber," 73 also another Kath- 
erine, or better, "Cateryne the washer." 74 All these, and a 
maid of the dairy were regularly hired. 

We have not yet, however, taken note of all the people who 
lived out their days in Lord Howard's little orbit. Particularly 
were there four others in his household of whom we would so 
gladly learn more. The first of these was a young man called 
Diago, 75 perhaps a foreigner to whom Howard grew attached, 
when he was on the continent, at Calais or elsewhere. What 
Diago did to earn his salt, we are unable to say, but money was 
from time to time given him in pittances, and he was kindly 

62 Ibid., 359. 

63 Ibid., 425. 
e* Ibid., 442. 
65 Ibid., 464. 
ee Ibid., 213. 

67 Hoioard Household BooTcs (Collier), 151. 

wlbid., 117. 

69 Ibid., 465. 

™ibid., 344. 

7i Ibid., 324. 

72J6id., 51, 99, etc. 

73 Ibid., 319. 

74 Ibid., 51; also 211, 301, etc., for dairy maid. 

75 Ibid., 108. 



20 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [294 

taken care of at Howard's expense once when he was ill. 76 The 
second lad, known as ' ' Tousan ' ' — w r as a page probably, for he 
seems to have been a favorite, and often with Lord John, who 
supplied his wardrobe ; now it was a new boublet of white and 
blue/ 7 or a pair of hose, 78 a bonnet, 79 gown, 80 or perchance a 
pair of shoes. 81 The other two were ' ' fools, ' ' and in this respect 
Howard seems to have surpassed the rest of the nobility. The 
one, "Tom Fole," as he was called, was for the entertainment 
of the house proper, while his companion in nonsense had the 
kitchen for his sphere of activity. 82 

Though an establishment employing many less servants than 
the immense households, Lord Howard's menage did have about 
the same departments as their 's. Having surveyed in detail the 
composition of these three characteristic noble houses, we can 
say further, that neither the household of Richard Bertie 83 and 
his Countess, nor that of the Earl of "Worcester present any re- 
markable variations from those we have examined here, and 
while there were some curious special servants hired both by Sir 
Thomas Lovell and his son, the Earl of Rutland, there were few 
duties assigned to them which could not have been equally well 
handled by some of the numerous yeomen officers, yeomen, or 
grooms of the other establishments. 

Finally, custom in regard to the servants suitable for a noble- 
man's equipment had crystallized by the beginning of the 17th 
century. The earlier practices had become stereotyped and 
slight indeed are the changes which have crept in. At that time 
a model establishment, according to an observant man, the poet 
and litterateur, Richard Brathwait, 84 must have included the 
following offices: Of chief officials, three were indispensable, 

is Ibid., 124. 

77 Ibid., 356. 

is Ibid., 161. 

79 Ibid., 134. 

so Ibid., 99. 

si Ibid., 56. 

82 Howard Household Boohs (Collier), 228, 284, 324, etc. 

83 See Appendix A for summaries of the households of the Berties and 
the Earl of Worcester, and the full lists of all the servants in the establish- 
ments of Lovell and his son. 

84 R. Brathwait, Household of an Earle, 3-4. ' ' What officers and Ser- 
vants the state of an Earle requireth to have," etc. 



295] THE PERSONNEL OP THE HOUSEHOLD 21 

these being the Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller ; while the 
services of an Auditor and a Receiver could be used, yet, as Brath- 
wait tersely expresses it ". . . theese are extraordinary, and 
two of the cheefe Officers (being men of experience) may supply 
those places; the one in taking accompt, the other in receiving 
rents and profitts, and there by free the Earl from fees that 
belong to those Officers. ' ' Thrifty leeway also made it optional 
whether there were a "Clarke Comptroller" or not, that official 
being likewise the holder of a sinecure "if the cheefe Officers be 
painefull in their places." 

Aside from two Gentlemen Ushers and a Preacher or "Chap- 
laine in ordinary," the well-compacted list succinctly tallies off 
the following picturesque train 85 — "A gentelman of the Horse, 
A Secretarye, tenn gentelmen waiters, two gentlemen pages, a 
Clarke of the Kitchin, an Yeoman Usher, and Groome of the 
great Chamber, Two Yeomen of the Warderobe of apparell for 
the Earle and Ladye: Two Groomes for their bedchamber, one 
Yeoman and Groome for the Wardrobe of Bedds. An Yeoman 
Vsher, and Groome for the Hall. An Yeoman and Groome for 
the Sellor, An Yeoman and Groome for the Pantry, An Yeoman 
and Groome for the Buttery. An Yeoman for the Ewerye. An 
Yeoman of the Horse. An Yeoman rider. Five Musitions. Six 
Yeomen waiters. Two Footemen. An Yeoman Purveyor. A 
Master Cooke, Under Cookes and Pastry men three. An Yeoman 
and Groome in the Squillerye. One to be in the Larder and 
Slaughter house. An Achator. Conducts and Kitchin boyes 
three. Two in the woodeyarde. In the Bakehouse, Brewhouse, 
and Granorye, five. A Trumpeter. A Drumme. An Yeoman 
and Groome in the Armorye. An Yeoman and Groome for the 
garden. A coatcheman, A waggoner, Six Groomes for the Stable, 
A groome for the Lawndry, Two Yeomen Porters. Gentlewomen, 
Chambermaydes, and Lawnederers, the number to be set downe 
by the Earle and his Ladye. ' ' 

In conclusion, the explanation for this similarity in the com- 
position of these households is in part not hard to discover. The 
nobles lived under very much the same conditions all over Eng- 
land, and their management problems were alike. Again, in 

ss See Appendix B for another like list dating from the same time, 
which, however, is not so orderly as this one. 



22 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [296 

the household as elsewhere, dearly loved tradition and long set 
precedent tended to level irregularities and found a uniform 
practice. Thus Henry, Earl of Derby, wanted his beer brewed, 
his cattle slaughtered and the meat cut up, and his bread made, 
all, as these operations had been done in the time of the late 
earl, his father. 86 And, finally, the royal household, which was 
the exact counterpart of the great noble establishments, first, 
because it, with them, evolved amid identical surroundings, cer- 
tainly was later used by the nobles as the great standard by 
which to determine the details of their own managements. "We 
do not have to be guided here entirely, by the perhaps safe 
analogy of such a practice in similar society to-day. Richard 
Brathwait in setting forth his rules and orders declares in regard 
to the functions of Gentlemen Ushers "But (for the order of 
service which the Barle may have wher he pleaseth to keepe his 
estate) I will referr them to marke and see how the table in 
the presence chamber of the Kinges Majestie is served and or- 
dered; and the better to furnish themselves with knowledge, 
they are to make meanes that they may be in the presence cham- 
ber, not onely at ordinarye times, but also when the Kings Maj- 
estie feasteth and entertaineth great strangers and Embassa- 
dors. " 87 

Earlier than this also, in the days of Henry the 8th, it 
was plainly recognized that noblemen should pattern their es- 
tablishments after the royal household; in the 22nd year of the 
reign of that monarch, some special regulations were drawn up 
entitled "Articles devised by his royal highness, with the ad- 
vice of his council, for the establishment of good order and 
reformation of sundry errors and misuses in his houshold and 
chambers," The 31st chapter of these reads as follows: "No 
officer to be admitted in future, but such as be of good de- 
meanor, and respect to be had that they be personages of good 
fashion, gesture, countenance, and stature, so as the king's house, 
which is requisite to be the mirrour of others, may be furnished 
with such as are elect, tried, and picked, for the King's hon- 

>> 88 



our. 



se Stanley Papers, Part 2, 8-10, 12, and 20-22. 

87 Brathwait, 10-11. 

88 Archaeologia, III, 154 et seq. 



CHAPTER II 

THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 

O good old man, how well in thee appears 
The constant service of the antique world, 
When service swet for duty, not for meed! 
Thou art not for the fashion of these times, 
When none will sweat but for promotion; 
And having that, do choke their service up 
Even with the having: 'tis not so with thee. 

As You Like It, Act. II, Sc. 3. 

Whatever may have been the size or the intricate composition 
of the serving body belonging to a nobleman, every member list- 
ed in such a teeming dramatis personae was scheduled, actually 
to perform some role, exalted or humble, on the domestic stage. 
The jingling pomp and haughty flourish which large numbers of 
servants made possible, was, in the estimation of most of the 
nobility, but the richly cherished by-product of a great organ- 
ization whose foremost function was service. 

It is a trite remark perhaps, that the proper construction and 
successful control of one of those complicated machines was of 
the weightiest import, and very difficult of accomplishment, 
eighty or even two hundred human beings, assembled from all 
over in one household, many of them men, by nature upright and 
reliable, but also many, actuated by uncertain humor, and fitful 
caprice, full of sly deceit, prone at any moment to seek profit 
for themselves at their master's expense, though their double 
dealing threw all out of harmony — to institute and maintain 
proper control here — was indeed a hydra-headed servant prob- 
lem of the first magnitude! So grave was it, in fact, that fre- 
quently thoughtful fathers when about to transfer to younger 
shoulders the management of a rich patrimony, anxiously pre- 
sented therewith, careful admonitions regarding servitors, found- 
ed on personal experiences of their own which often had been 
exceedingly bitter. 

23 



24 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [298 

James, 7th Earl of Derby (born 1606) was such a solicitous 
parent. Twice, at least, in long letters, veritable "epistles" to 
his son and heir, Charles, Lord Strange, he narrated at length for 
the young man's benefit, important chapters in his life history, 
and in one of those communications, particularly, earnestly coun- 
seled him with much practical advice. He doubtless hoped to 
make his instructions regarding servants emphatic by conclud- 
ing them in this wise : ' ' Most of these misfortunes I have met 
with in servants, which hath given me great vexation ; therefore, 
I hope by my experience you will avoid them as much as possi- 
ble. I might have enlarged upon many of the passages and ob- 
servations here recited, in which I have been sufficiently exer- 
cised to give you examples both of pride and corruption in those 
employed about you; but I am loath to dwell too long on one 
subject, not knowing how long a time I must dwell here my- 
self, 1 . . ." etc. 

The 9th Earl of Northumberland, while imprisoned in the 
Tower because he was implicated in the Gun Powder Plot, wiled 
away some of the tedium of his long incarceration, likewise by 
writing out for his son a detailed account of how his estates were 
to be run, and no small part of this; description bears upon the 
choice and control of servants. The earl's narrative is character- 
ized by a cynical vehemence, partly because of his unhappy life, 
but also because, as he declares, his own father, foolishly indul- 
gent, neglected to instruct him how to assume and carry the 
heavy responsibilities which his vast estates engendered. Inherit- 
ing these at the immature age of twenty-one, in the callow sim- 
plicity of youth wily servants so neatly led him about by the 
nose, that before he was aware, in the short compass of a year 
and a half, he found himself £15,000 in debt on an annual in- 
come of £3,000, 2 and this was but a portion of his early difficul- 
ties as presently will be narrated. 

i Second Letter to his son, 47. Stanley Papers, Part 3, 3. It is 
interesting to note that these admonitions to his son are copied by the earl 
almost literally from the famous " Precepts i" which Lord Burghley set down 
for the use of his son, Kobert Cecil. There are some slight additions and 
some changes in wording, otherwise the hard-headed sense of the careful old 
statesman is reproduced verbatim. This is a most remarkable example of 
the great influence of Burghley 's little work which went through six edi- 
tions between 1617 and 1780. 

2 Instructions of Henry Percy to His Son, Archaeologia, XXVII, 306-358. 



299] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 25 

The import of this problem it was, further, which induced 
observant men like Richard Brathwait, 3 or the unsigned author 
of the ' ' Breviate, ' ' 4 when they wrote their treatises on house- 
hold management, to be very straightforward in stating their 
opinions and laying down their precepts about servants. It is 
in this light, therefore, that the characters of servants, especially 
of the officers — the manner of their hiring — and the bonds 
which existed between them and their noble masters must be 
studied. 

The chief officers in every household had to be men of versatile 
abilities, and they were often of knightly, if not of noble rank. 
Brathwait affirms that he has " . . . knowne, not onely gentle- 
men of great livinges, but also many Knightes, yea Barons 
Sonnes, and some Earles Sonnes, to serve Earles in places of 
office, ' ' 5 and he neatly characterizes these principal household 
men as those who should be ". . . not only well borne and 
of good livinges, but also grave and experienced, not prowde 
and haughty, neither too affable and easy ; gentle and courteous 
in matters concerning themselves, but severe and sharpe, if of- 
fences be committed against God, or their Lorde. . . " 6 He 
wfts surely right in his estimate even if his last requisite does 
smell somewhat strongly of the new religious leven of his day. 

The poet, John Skelton, living much earlier than Brathwait 
thus sketched in outline the servitors of the unfortunate 4th 
Earl of Northumberland : 

So noble a man, so valiaunt lord and knyght, 

Fulfilled with honor, as all the world doth ken; 

At his cornmaundement, which had both day and nyght 
Knyghtes and squyers, at euery season when 
He calde upon them, as meniall houshold men; i 

So spake two men who lived at either terminus of this long 
epoch. In the interval flourished noblemen who were similarly 
served. The three chief officials in the household of Henry, 

3 Some Eules and Orders for the Government of the House of an Earle, 
Set Downe by Ri[chard] Brathwait. In Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana, 
8th Tract. 

* A Breviate touching the Order and Government of a Nobleman 's House, 
1605. Archaeologia, XIII, 315-389. 

5 Brathwait, op. cit., 15. 

s Ibid., 6. 

7 Lament on the Doulourous Dethe, etc., Byce ed., vol. 1. 



26 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [300 

Earl of Derby, were men of knightly rank, and were all related 
directly or by marriage with the great Stanley family. 8 The 
Steward, ¥m. ffarington (sic) was a gentleman of dignity and 
importance, who faithfully served under three generations of 
the earl's family, and conducted successfully meantime, various 
important work for the crown, outside, quite, of his official ca- 
pacity in the Derby household. He had some Oxford training; 
was admitted a member of the Inner Temple in August of 
1555, "and throughout his life was an active and influen- 
tial magistrate." Through his marriage with Anne, the only 
daughter of Sir Thomas Talbot of Bashall, he got, into the bar- 
gain, a broad estate of his own, a nearer relationship with the 
Stanley family, and acquaintance with other families of rank. 
Under the Earls of Derby, he was first Secretary, then Comp- 
troller to Edward, and when that nobleman died in 1572, he 
became Steward to Henry, the new earl, and upon the latter 's 
death in 1593, the Earl Ferdinando made ffarington his Receiver- 
General. 

Sir Richard Sherburne, who was Treasurer of the household 
in 1572, at the death of Edward Earl of Derby, was also, through 
his mother, kin of the Stanleys, while in 1572 his eldest son mar- 
ried the grand-daughter of the Earl Henry, whose Steward 
Sherburne had been since the death of Earl Edward in that 
year. Sir Richard had been twice earlier returned to Parlia- 
ment — once, in 1555 for Liverpool, and again in 1551 and 1557 
for Preston. He too, like ffarington, his colleague in office, was 
at different times selected by the Crown for the performance of 
royal duty. Thus under Philip and Mary "he was High Stew- 
ard and Master Forester of the Forest of Bowland, in York- 
shire. ' ' Under King Henry the 8th he had been a commissioner 
for the dissolution of the monasteries, and he acted in a similar 
capacity for Edward 6th for the sale of chantry lands. In 1581 
he was chosen with Henry Earl of Derby and others, by no less 
men than Burghley and Walsingham, to arbitrate with the ten- 
ants a property quarrel in the Collegiate Church of Manchester. 
He was also a Deputy Lieutenant of Lancashire, and was made 
Governor of the Isle of Man by Edward, his first patron among 
the Earls of Derby. 9 

s Stanley Papers, Part 2, Introduction, xviii-xcviii for all these facts. 
9 Stanley Papers, Part 2, notes, 104-105. 



301] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 27 

Another of the servants, Michael Doughtie, Clerk of the Kitch- 
in, was a wealthy man, a member of Parliament for Preston in 
1588, and for Liverpool in 1592. His descendants became yet 
more closely related to the Stanleys through the marriage of his 
great-grand-daughter with Sir Thomas Stanley. She thus be- 
came the mother of Edward, 11th Earl of Derby. 10 

In addition, mention might also be made of the honorable 
careers of Alexander Eigbie, also a high servitor in Earl Henry's 
establishment, a Deputy-Lieutenant and Justice of the Peace for 
Lancashire — and of Wm. Foxe, or ffoxe, who was one of this 
same noble's council men, and also Comptroller of his house- 
hold. 11 

"When the 5th Earl of Northumberland and his lady retired 
each year to their "sceret house" — a less ostentatious house- 
keeping with fewer servants, conducted in some lodge near the 
big mansion or castle, 12 among those who were in daily attend- 
ance at the earl's board, were his second and third sons, acting 
respectively as Carver and Sewer. 13 The Clerk of the Kitchen 
in this same household was in 1512, a. Thomas Percy. This ser- 
vant was probably one of the earl's relatives, as was the Robert 
Percy, Comptroller of the House in 1514. 14 

This officing of certain members of the family was a common 
practice among the English nobility, and no taint or indignity 
was associated with such service either. Brathwait tells of an 
earl whose brother filled for him the office of Carver and Sewer, 
and according to him, the menial duties of the humble one's 
station did not stunt the healthy waxing of his social life a jot, 
for he grow in Brathwait 's own day to "an honourable Knight 

io Ibid., notes, 106-107. 

ii Ibid., notes, 107, 109-111. 

12 Northumberland Household Book, 1827 ed., 442. 

13 Ibid., 362. 

14 Ibid., 1. Henry, Earl of Worcester 's Steward, was a Sir Ralph Black - 
stone. Beport on the MSS. of the Duke of Beaufort, etc. Hist. MSS. 
Com., 12th report, 3-6, being an old servant's account of the earl's officers. 
Thomas Widmerpoole, Steward in the household of Lord William Howard of 
Naworth, appears to have been a learned man. He captions his orderly- 
accounts in Latin, etc. Howard Household Books, Surtees Soc, 1, e.g. We 
recall also the ungrateful Gonril's letter-writing, information-bearing Stew- 
ard, Oswald, whom Kent so roundly abused. 



28 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [302 

of great accounte, having done many good services to his Coun- 
try." 15 

Significantly enough, however, later report from the house- 
holds of Northumberland and the Earls of Derby, both, prove 
this custom to have been not unfraught with humiliation and 
distressing risks. There were relatives among the household 
group who took such mean advantage of the youthful inexperi- 
ence of the 9th Earl of Northumberland by robbing him. Tell- 
ing his son of the fact long afterwards, that nobleman drew a 
melancholy picture of the base ingratitude of his servants — "If 
these had bene yong servants, and new commers, the wonder had 
bene the lesse; but they were cousens, old servants, councellers 
and sutche, as somme of them had told 15 years, some 20 in his 
service." 16 

The 7th Earl of Derby, likewise had grown cautious about 
employing kinsmen in his household service — "I am loth to 
have many of a House too neare a-Kin. For by that Meanes you 
will sometimes suffer one too much, for another's Sake." 17 
Later, he strengthened this wjarning to his son — " . . . be 
not served with kinsmen and friends, for they expect much and 
do little. . ." 18 

The distinction attaching to these higher officers in a house- 
hold was formally recognized in various interesting ways. They 
had their own little bands of servants, attendant on their per- 
sonal wants. This added a dignity to such offices. Again, on 
so well ordered an occasion as was the daily dinner the prece- 
dence of these men over the rest of the household was proclaimed 
through their presence at the first table in the Hall. 19 Further- 
more, in Northumberland's household at least, the Chamberlain 
and Steward often found their "mess" graced with some dainty 
tid-bit which they alone shared with the earl himself. This was 
especially apt to be the case if strangers were supping at their 
board : ' ' Item it is thought goode that Hennys be bought from 
Cristynmas to Shroftyde so they be good and at ij d. a pece and 
my Lord(,) Maister Chambreleyn and the Stewardes Mees to be 

is Brathwait, 16. 

is Advice to his son, ArcJiaeologia, xxvii, 322. 

17 7th Earl of Derby, Advice to his son, Stanley Papers, Pt. 3, 3, 36. 

is Ibid., 44. 

™ M$S. of the Bulce of Beaufort, 5; Brathwait, 16, 17, e.g. 



303] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 29 

served with theym and noo other. ' ' 20 Also their regular food 
portions as well as their special diets for Lent, Kogation Days, 
and other fasts and feasts, were described with the messes of 
Northumberland's brother — and were, in fact, identical with 
his and are somewhat more elaborate, or better, less plain than 
those of their underlings. Thus the Lenten breakfasts of these 
gentlemen, consisting of two loaves of bread, a manchet (another 
sort of bread), a gallon of beer, two salt-fish and four white 
herring, while frugal enough, were not quite such wintry cheer as 
the mere bread, beer, and salt-fish set out for the breakfasts of 
the yeomen officers of the household. 21 

Men of high calibre were selected for these principal positions, 
because only educated, conscientious and thoroughly honest offi- 
cials could successfully execute their duties. In addition to the 
peculiar functions of the head officers which were often of great 
trust, these men were responsible for the whole household. In 
1587 Henry Derby ordered, "It'm that my Lo. his Steward 
or Comp troll' or th' one of them Shalbee claylie attendante or 
at the leaste from the ffridaye at night till the Moundaye, for 
the bett' gou'ment of his Lo. house and the p'fect vewe of eu'ie 
inferior officers breyvement. ' ' 22 Brathwait goes much further 
in his description of this superintendency — the officers " . . . 
must dayly goe into everie office of household to see that every 
officer doe his duty, according to their severall chardges. t . . 
They must in every of these offices oversee that all things ap- 
pertaining unto them be kept in orderly and decent manner, that 
all waste-full expences in every of them may be avoyded. ' ' 23 

This daily tour of inspection was to carry them from the pas- 
tures where they were unawares to appear ". . . at times 
unknowne both to the Purveyors and pasture keepers, by which 
meanes those growndes will be better saved from being over- 
eaten by other mens cattel, ' ' 24 through every office in the house 
to the Porter's Lodge ". . . to see it be not the place for the 
receipte of the vnthriftes of the house, nor the harbour of drink- 
ing companions. " 25 To the intent that this work might be 

20 Northumberland Household Boole, 103. 
2i Ibid,, 74, 76, 78, 82, 97. 

22 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 21-22. 

23 Brathwait, 8-9. 
^Ibid., 7-8. 

25 Ibid., 9. 



30 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [304 

effectively done "The cheefe officers themselves ought to be free 
from all vices and offences (so farr as humaine frailty will suffer 
them) ; for how can they punish others for their faultes, them- 
selves being guilty of the same offences? Both the Lord and 
cheefe Officers ought to be an example to the whole fam- 
ily. . ." 26 Brathwait would have the success of this policing 
further assured by the master of the household himself, who 
was once at least gravely to harangue the assembled household 
on the position of the officers and the submission due to them. 
He suggests a sample oration for that occasion which he winds 
up in this manner — "And yow myne other Officers and Ser- 
vants I doe now very earnestly chardge and commando yow all, 
upon perill of my displeasure, and losse of yowr places of ser- 
vice, that none of yow be so unadvisedly hardy as to shew against 
my saide cheefe Officers contempt or frowardnes, ffor if any 
happen so to doe, I will take it as if it were done against my 
selfe. " and proud of his rhetoric he pats himself on the back 
by humbly remarking — "My meaning is not to wish the Earle 
to follow this, my rude discourse ; but to serve for a grownde 
for him to frame a better speech upon " ! 27 

Real punishment for an inferior servant, guilty of violating 
his charge, lay through an officer's report of the misdemeanor to 
the master of the house, and as the officers equally reported zeal- 
ous painstaking on a servant's part, by this means the under- 
lings were soon taught to respect the dictum of their superiors. 28 

If any trouble arose among the servants necessitating a par- 
ticular investigation, the case was to be tried by the officers: 
"The stewarde and comptroler are to sitt in councell upon any 
cappitall cause, committed, and for the better assistannce, maye 
call unto them, or eather of them, what capital officers ells they 
will make choyce of, for the hearinge such causes, and soe to 
proceede to reformation if it maye bee, if not, makinge theire 
lorde privie to the faulte comitted, to discharge the partie, or 
parties, so offendinge, as unwoorthie that place they serve in." 29 

Work of this character explains the advice given by James, 

2G Ibid., 9. 

27 Brathwait, 5-6. 

28 Breviate, Archaeologia, XIII, 316 et seq. 

29 Hid., 316. The officers were responsible for the welfare of the house- 
hold in times of special danger or sickness also; vide Breviate, 316. 



305] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 31 

7th Earl of Derby, to his son: "Have a good steward of your 
house, and clerk of the kitchen, who make themselves awed by 
the servants even as much as yourself ; and while they serve you 
well you must countenance them well, so will your house be 
orderly. ' ' 30 

In addition to the officers, positions of honor about a lord were 
filled in most households by young knights or noblemen who 
thus acquired a good training. Henry, Earl of Worcester was 
attended ". . . not by footmen, but by gentlemen and gen- 
tlemen's sons. . ." There were many of these young gentle- 
men at £2 to £700 per annum, bred right in the castle. 31 The 
arrangements in Northumberland's household for accommodat- 
ing young men, some of them at the earl's expense and some of 
them at their "friend's finding," have already been noted. 32 
The same practice lived in the establishment of Sir Thomas 
Lovell. On June 25th, 1523, the sum of twenty-five pounds, 
eight shillings and three pence was paid to the yeoman of his 
wardrobe, a part of which money was for the apparel of " . . . 
the yong gentylmen wardes and scolers. . . " 33 

Servitors of this character also filled the like gentlemen's of- 
fices for Henry, Earl of Derby; all of his Gentlemen Waiters, 
in fact, being either the heirs or the younger sons ' ' of independent 
gentlemen of first rank in the country." 34 In this respect Earl 
Henry was but following the custom of his father, who, in turn, 
doubtless inherited the practice as a tradition. Stow writing 
about the "life and death" of the said Edward, which were 
' ' deserving Commendation, and craving Memorie to be imitated, " 
notes the earl's generosity towards "gentlemen . . . who 
waited in his service" — each of whom ". . . had allowance 
from him to have as well wages as otherwise for horse and 
man. ' ' 35 

Edward's proud descendant, the great 7th Earl, in an enthus- 

so Second Letter to his son, Stanley Papers, Pt. 3, 3, 46. 
3i An old servant's report of the Officers in the house of the earl. MSS. 
of Duke of Beaufort, 3 and 5. 

32 Vide Chapter 1, 7. 

33 MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 263. 

s* Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, intro., v; see also notes, 111 et seq., where 
their genealogies are worked out. 

35 Stowe 's Chronicle, Fol. Edit., 448 b. 



32 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [306 

iastic eulogy of his ancestor's virtues addressed to his son, 
Charles, Lord Strange, confirms Stow's report by chronicling 
among the rest of the old earl's good deeds this sterling one — 
"He bredd up many Youths of Noblemen, Knighte & Esquires 
Sonns (such Reputation had he of good Government in his 
House! And the same obliged many Families unto it.) " 36 

In 1524 the young Earl of Oxford, a minor, through his fath- 
er's death, was ordered by Chancellor Wolsey to break up his 
household, and with his lady and a few only of their servants 
to abide in the house of his father-in-law, the Duke of Norfolk. 
The great Cardinal assigned as one reason for this regulation, 
that the young earl had too little experience as yet to guide his 
own household. This he was to gain under a mature master. 
During their sojourn with Norfolk, this young couple were to 
pay ". . . at such convenient prizes for their boards as be- 
tweene the same Duke, and the Ladie his Dutchess, his wife, and 
the said Earle of Oxenford, by mediation of his friends, can be 
accorded, covenanted, and agreed. ' ' 37 Whatever may have been 
the true motive for this decision, there is probably small reason 
for doubting that Oxford served his parent in some capacity, 
and this regulation is of interest in affording an idea of the 
manner in which such relationships were founded. 

Further light is cast upon this very interesting practice, and 
especially upon the kind of relationship which might prevail be- 
tween these young gentlemen, out for general instruction, and 
the noblemen in whose service they were placed, by the in- 
structions which the Earl of Arundell set down in 1620 "for the 
benefit of his younger Son, the Earl of Stafford's Grandfather, 
under the Title; 

"Instructions for you my Son William, how to behave your 
self at Norwich." "In these Instructions is the following para- 
graph, "You shall in all Things reverence honour and obey my 
Lord Bishop of Norwich, as you would do any of your parents, 
esteeminge whatsoever He shall tell or Command you, as if your 

36 Advice to his son, Stanley Papers, Pt. 3, 3, 17. 

37 "An Order made by the reverend Father in God Thomas Woolsey 
Cardinall of England, by direct-on from the King, to lymitt John Earle of 
Oxenford in the orderinge of his expenses of Household and other his af- 
fairs in his yonger yeares . . . [etc.] in the XV th yeare of King Henry 
VIII." — Archaeologia, XIX, 62-65. 



307] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 33 

Grandmother of Arundell, your Mother, or my self, should .say 
it ; and in all things esteem your self my Lord 's Page ; a breed- 
ing which youths of my House far superior to you were accus- 
tomed to, as my Grandfather of Norfolk, and his Brother my 
good Uncle of Northampton were both bred as Pages with 
Bishopps, &c." " 

Furthermore, Roper says of Sir Thomas More, who received 
his early training in the household of Cardinal Morton, that he 
was "received into the house of the right reverend, wise, and 
learned prelate, Cardinal Morton, where, though he was young 
of years, yet would he at Christmas-tide suddenly sometimes 
step in among the players, and never studying for the matter 
make a part of his own there presently among them, which made 
the lookerson more sport than all the players beside. In whose 
wit and towardness the Cardinal much delighting would say of 
him unto the nobles that divers times dined with him, This child 
here waiting at the table, whosoever shall live to see it, wiU 
prove a marvellous man. Whereupon for his better furtherance 
in learning he placed him at Oxford, &c. " 

The great establishment of Cardinal "Wolsey was a veritable 
training school for promising young sons of the English nobil- 
ity ; Professor Brewer affirms that most of the Officials of Henry 
the Eighth's time passed an apprenticeship there, and Caven- 
dish tells how ". . . at meals, there was continually in his 
chamber a board kept for his Chamberlains, and the Gentlemen 
Ushers, having with them a mess of the young Lords, and another 
for gentlemen." Among these latter was "my Lord Percy, the 
son and heir of the Earl of Northumberland, [who] then at- 
tended upon the Lord Cardinal, and was also his servitor; and 
when it chanced the Lord Cardinal at any time to repair to the 
court, the Lord Percy would then resort for his pastime unto 
the queen's chamber, and there would fall in dalliance among 
the queen's maidens, being at the last more conversant with 
Mistress Anne Boleyn than with any other; so that there grew 
such a secret love between them that, at length they were in- 
sured together, intending to marry." 38 

The household of Lord Burghley had the reputation in its day 
also, like "Wolsey 's establishment earlier, of being the fittest place 

3 8 Quoted by Furnivall in his Preface to Part 1 of Manners and Meals in 
Olden Time, ix. (Printed in Early English Text Society Publications.) 



34 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [308 

in England for young gentlemen to receive part of their train- 
ing; an anonymous contemporary biographer says of certain of 
the great statesman's servants: "His lordship was [himself] 
served with men of quality and habilitie. For the most of the 
principall gentlemen in England sought to preferre theire sons 
and heirs to his service. Insomuch as I have nombred in his 
House, attending on the table twenty gentlemen of his retayners 
of a thousand pounds per annum a peece, in possession and re- 
version, and of his ordinary men as manie, some [worth] three, 
five, ten, yea twenty thousand pounds, daily attending his lord- 
ship's service." 39 

A letter written by the Earl of Essex to Lord Burghley, in 
1576, regarding the training of the former's son, also evidences 
the high esteem in which his Lordship was held, and the splen- 
did repute of his household; it reads, in part, as follows — 
"Neverthelesse, uppon the assured Confidence, that your love 
to me shall dissend to my Childrenne, and that your Lordship 
will declare yourself a Frend to me, both alive and dead, I have 
willed Mr. Waterhouse to shew unto you how you may with 
Honor and Equity do good to my Sonne Hereford, and how to 
bind him with perpetual Frendship to you and your House. 
And to the Ende I wold have his Love towardes those which are 
dissended from you spring up and increase with his Yeares, I 
have wished his Education to be in your Household, though the 
same had not bene allotted to your Lordship as Master of the 
Wardes; and that the whole Tyme, which he shold spend in 
England in his Minority, might be devided in Attendance uppon 
my Lord Chamberlayne and you, to the End, that as he might 
frame himself to the Example of my Lord of Sussex in all the 
Actions of his Life, tending either to the Warres, or to the 
Institution of a Nobleman, so that he might also reverence your 
Lordship for your Wisdome and Gravyty, and lay up your Coun- 
sells and Advises in the Treasory of his Hart. ' ' 40 

This again was another very common practice, not always 
conducive to nice harmony and quiet in a household ; such young 
bloods were apt to be haughty, and Brathwait says that in houses 
where the head offices as the Steward's or Comptroller's, were 
occupied by men who were perhaps not so fortunate as to be 

39 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 22 et seq. 

4<>Murdin's State Papers, 301-302. Quoted by Furnivall, op. cit., xv. 



309] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 35 

of a rank equal to that of these young men, strict rules had 
to be introduced compelling the prompt obedience of the latter to 
such officers, or Bedlam were presently flourishing. 41 All told, 
however, it speaks well for the nobles, and the position in society 
which they held, this willingness on the part of young men of 
rank to serve them in capacities which often entailed humble 
duties, and Brathwait declares that it was not until the days 
of the Stuarts that such noble servitors felt themselves disgraced 
by serving any rank below their sovereign. 42 

These officers and higher servitors of rank were in close asso- 
ciation with their lords socially and very intimate with them in 
the performance of their duties. It was Buckingham's Sur- 
veyor who betrayed him to the King, and his tattlings point to a 
detailed knowledge of his master's private affairs. 43 In fact 
there were times when officers became too involved in the house 's 
management for the good of all concerned. "When the 9th Earl 
of Northumberland was sowing his wild oats, his chief servitors 
went bond for his debts, and in their anxiety to clear even, they 
drove their lord a sorry course. The earl vividly describes 
certain of their evil promptings: Debts had to be paid, woods 
were sold so fast and carelessly that in a few years was £50,000 
value disposed of for £20,000 ". . . to Jewellers and Silke- 
men, making their nests in the branches" — and now ". . . 
the memory of good trees in rotten rootes doeth appere above 
ground at this day, being forced now for the fewell reliefe of 
your house at Petworth, to sowe acorns. . ." 

■ ' Now, woods being goen, f ynes only rested to comme in play, 
the grasse being cutt under my feete for my western lands, as 
yow hard before. Northumberland, Cumberland and Sussex, be- 
ing but coppiholders of inheritance, would yeald nothing. A littel 
pittance in Yorkshire remayned, wherein commodities might be 
raysed. The tenants having somme few years to comme, by 
perswasion of officers, I renewed there estates for twenty-one 
years ; made 1700 lb fyne, and lost by that bargaine almost 5000 
lb a yeare till the tyme was expired. The benifitts yt fell to my 
share, was, that the tenants prayed God to blesse there wor- 
shipps, waited on them to all there pleasuers; feasted them and 

4i Brathwait, 15. 

42 Hid., 15. 

43 Henry VIII, I, iii. 



36 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [310 

lodged them well : — littel bribes now and then was discovered 
to be taken; great ones I doubt not were had, thoughe carried 
more closely; and thus in pompe, iyngeling uppe and downe the 
cuntry with there gilt bosses and studded trappers, there tales 
being at ease upon soft seates, weare auguries of an evell turne 
towards me, and a warning to yow to eschew glorious officers 
and servants, as a peste to yowr estate. And could any thing 
be imputed to be the reason of this, (since in myne owen tyme 
it hathe bene amended,) but the want of knowledge of myne 
owne ? — Lands were .sold, and more would have bene if I could, 
at under rates. For other petty and scattered demyses, I will 
only remember in the cateloge of the account; wherein my 
ignorance (for I will ley it upon nothing else) lost me, what 
in letters of adminstration, — in partition of thirds, — in 
giving honnymoone tyme, or unavisedly, — in sales of woods, — 
in demises of lands, and sale of some littel, — 60,000 lb or 
70,000 lb." 44 

Could it have been otherwise than galling to the great Lord 
John Howard, later Duke of Norfolk, when he had to write the 
following to his Steward: ". . . ferther mor were I howe 
zower fader in law my welweller a c. marke, for the wesche he 
hathe of myn to plege a kope of gold and dyverse hoder plate 
of mye, [to plege, I wol dessyre] as it a perethe be an hendentor, 
sehenge the grete ned I have to stoffe here, I wol dessyre heme 
to delyver the seyd kope and al the remenant to my welbeloved 
servante . . . , and also the hendentor of the same; and 
fore is paymente I dessyr zowe to be sewerty ther fore ; and fore 
be kawse I wol ze schal be sewer wethe howete lose, I wol ze be 
my resseyvor of thos mekel as folowethe: firste, of Stoke, Stoke 
all, Jorges, Poweneses, Wedermersche, Nederall, Kalseres, Kon- 
stabelles, Bawchoues, and of al that lyethe in Stoke; of myn 
meles and honder, the maner of Sprotes, the maner of Bower 
Howese, the maner Leyame and Hoverbery al, the maner of 
Wersted, the maner of Smitheton, the maner of Stanstrete, the 
maner of Leffey, and the rewel (rule) also honder me of my 
konstabelchepe at Kolchester; and to resseyve of Fenche al that 
he gaderethe fore me; and to resseyve of Skraton al that he 
gaderethe bothe of the mel and hoder ; also frome Mekelmes laste 

44 Advice to his son, Archaeologia, XXVII, 324, 325. 



311] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 37 

was forethe al the maneres of Aldam, Kokefeld, and Prestone: 
and of thes mony that ze schal resseyve I wol ze pay to John 
Amond zower faderlaw, at Hester nexte komenge L mark, and 
at Mekelmes nexte afeter L. marker and zeffe Jhon Hamond 
wol thos a gre I bynd me be thes my wrytenge that this schal 
be parformed . . . " ! 45 

Skelton, however, takes for granted sacrifices on the part of 
servants far more heroic than these possible ones. In the "La- 
ment" already quoted he thus describes the sort of relationship 
which ought to stand between them and their lord : 

And were not they to blame, I say, also, 

That were aboute him, his owne seruants of trust, 

To suffre him slayn of his mortall fo? 

Fled away from hym, let him ly in the dust; 
They bode not till the reekenyng were discust; 

What shuld I flatter? What shuld I glose or paint? 

Fy, fy for shame, their hartes were to faint. 

But al they fled from hym for falshode or fere, 
Barones, knyghtes, squires, one ad all, 
Together with seruantes of his famuly. 

Turned their backis and let their master fal, 

Of whos [life] they counted not a flye; 

Take vp whose wold, for ther they let him ly. 
Alas, his gold, his fee, his annual rent 
Upon suche a sort was ille bestowd and spent. 

— devoted, even to the sacrifice of life must it be, as the poet 
a little fulsomely pictures it, with eye on the young heir, we 
fancy. 

The more humble servants lived in a kind of patriarchal sim- 
plicity under their noble master, who often manifested a kindly 
interest in their little concerns which was like the paternal at- 
titude assumed by the old time Southern planter of the better 
type toward his dusky household servants. Thus in addition 
to the wages which the help earned, it was the custom in many 
families to reward this or that servant for the proper or pleasing 
manner in which some task had been performed. In November 
of 1561 James of the Kitchen in the Bertie household was given 
8. d. by his lord's special commandment for "well dressing my 

4 5 Undated letter in Howard Household Boolcs, 558-560. 



38 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [312 

Lady's dinner" ; 46 while in February of the same year the fruit- 
ful industry of Mistress Brodbank was gratefully recompensed 
by payment to her of 3. s : 4. d. She was in her line a triumph- 
ant domestic Diana, her reward being for ". . . ketchinge 
of forty-four rattes at Valdey. " 47 A lad by the odd name of 
Braby, a hand regularly in John Howard's (later Duke of Nor- 
folk) household ranks, was the lucky owner of a like quick talent, 
which adroitly practiced now and again, netted him a tidy pit- 
tance. On March 26th, 1483, he was given 6. d. for taking thir- 
teen moles in one day. 48 

Frequently this same nobleman in dealing with his servants, 
was generous enough to give them a bit of drink money. Partic- 
ularly was he apt thus to remember them upon the fulfillment 
of some duty or mission. Thus Thomas Seyneclow, one of his 
trusted servants, while he was in London one day in August of 
1482, paid for some things for Howard, and at the end of his 
list, came his own moist ' ' item " — " and for that my Lord gaff 
him to drynk 4. d. 49 On January 17th, 1483, when Howard 
settled with his bailiff and his wife, for their terms service, he 
rewarded that official 's better half with 8. d. to drink, in addition 
to the price of her gown, a customary gift, which was 6. s : 8. d. 50 

This same kindly relationship between these great "potentes" 
and their "humiles" in these little home worlds, was also fostered 
by another practice among the nobility — that of making small 
money gifts personally, or through the hands of their children, to 
their servants, when children of the latter were christened. On 
August 7th, 1482, Lady Howard (Lord John's wife) at her 
country place, Stoke, gave 20. s. ". . . to the crystenyng of 
mastyr Gorge's chylde," and on October 30th of the same year 
she presented 30. d. to "mastress Graces chyld crystenenge. " 51 
In November of 1561 young Mr. Peregrine and Mistress Susan 
Bertie were given 30. s. "To the christininge of Archenbaldes 
child . . . " 24. s. of which went directly "to the christin- 
inge" and the remaining 6. s. to the nurse and mid-wife. 52 In 

4G Grimsthorpe Rouse Papers, 463. 

47 Ibid., 463. 

48 Howard Household Books (Collier), 374. 

49 Ibid., 284. 

so Ibid., 342-343. There are scores of these instances. 

5i Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 282, 318. 

52 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 465. 



313] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 39 

February 28th, 1591, Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland gave 22. s : 
6. d. to her son Francis to be divided similarly at the christening 
of the son of young Thomas Fairbarne. 53 Lord North at Kirt- 
ling, once stood God-father to one of his retainer's children; 
again he gave 10. s. to the marriage of one of his servants, and 
still again he presented the quite handsome sum of 53. s : 4. d. to 
the christening of a child of one of the household men. 54 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland had a well systematized 
household reward bureau, and while a part of the payments dis- 
bursed from its appropriations were like wages, others appear as 
surely to have been special rewards. It was his custom, for in- 
stance, when he was at home and "kept Chapel" to give his little 
singers 6. s: 8. d. ". . . when they doo synge the Responde 
callede Exaudivi at the Matyns-tyme for xjm (11000) Virgyns 
uppon Alhallow-day. " 55 Other houses observed similar prac- 
tices. In 1469 George, Duke of Clarence, laid down a regulation 
for the fair distribution of rewards in his household. The rule 
applied to the entire house, and provided that every such gift 
was to be gauged according to the degree of the servant in ques- 
tion. On such days when rewards were presented to all in the 
service, these were to be paid by the Clerk of the Kitchen and the 
Marshal of the Hall for the time being, which officers were to see 
to it that all household men absent about the business of the duke 
during the distribution, received their rewards as though they 
were present in person, 56 and he ". . . appoynted that all 
ladyes, gentylwomen, and chamberers, attending uppon the . . . 
Duchesse, take suche fees, rewardes, and clothinge, as shall please 
the Duchesse." 57 

In 1561, rewards of this sort, paid in the household of Edward 
Earl of Derby by the Clerk of the Kitchen, the Receiver-General 
and the Steward amounted to £37 : 10 : 1 in the course of that 
year. 58 

Unfortunately there was on the side of either party in each 
household a rank taint of hypocritical casuistry coloring this 
practice, which deprived it of all spontaniety and true grace. 

53 MSS. of the DuJce of Butland, 4, 401. 

s* Household books (selections), Archaeologia, XIX, 291 seq. 

55 Northumberland Household Book, 342-343. 

56 Boyal Household Ordinances, 92. 

57 Ibid., 94. 

es Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 4. 



40 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [314 

Its genuine leit-motif was invariably a sordid quid pro quo — a 
literal interpretation of the "Golden" rule. Brathwait bluntly 
speaks of the custom in connection with that industry which all 
servants, but here especially gardeners should practice: "The 
garden," he notes, "being a place not onely pleasant, but also 
profitable ; if the Earle and Ladie often goe into it, and finding 
things well, he will commend the gardiners, and sometimes giving 
them mony will encourage them to more paines : but if they finde 
matters otherwise, to tell them roundely of it they will not 
spare. ' ' 59 

James, 7th Earl of Derby prescribed nicely calculated re- 
warding : "I would as much as in me lay keep my own cash, so 
shall I better husband it, knowing on what occasions I part with 
[it] ; and as it is a custom sometimes to reward good servants, 
consider well before you give, what it is, to whom, and for what, 
for certainly when you give to a good man (because he is good) 
it is likely to keep him so, and make others good from the ex- 
ample." On another occasion he told his son also, that "The 
Duke of Buckingham was used to reward his worst Servants 
first. And, being asked the Reason, he sayd, thereby he was 
sooner rid of them; the others would easilier abide in hope." 60 
He was not willing to vouch for the worth of such a rule however. 

It was the 9th Earl of Northumberland, though, who gave 
his son the most unblushing exposition of this metallic for value 
received policy : "For I say, not to give succor and relief e after 
that proportion yow are able, out of yowr fortuns to sutche as 
waste there tyme in yowr business, is inhumanitie and dishonor- 
able ; . . . " That sounds well, but its frank humanitarianism 
loses its forcefulness when coupled with its defensive corollary: 
". . . and for them to gaine by deceite from yow [that] 
whiche is not fitt for yow to give, is wickednes in them, and folly 
in yow to lett goe: whereas, using the contrary, yow shall be able 
to give more with lesse loss© to yowr selfe, and they prove to 
gaine more in the ende with more honesty to them self es. ' ' 

He subsequently develops this same theme in a very interesting 
manner. It smacks, for all the world like a domestic brand of 
the dagger-jabbing statesmanship which that most misunderstood 

59 Brathwaite, 40. 

60 Advice to his son, Stanley Papers, Part 3, 3, 36, 46. 



315] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 41 

and most abused of men, Nicolo Maehiavelli whispered into the 
slow ear of Lorenzo de Medici : "To procede with my third rule, 
wherein you are willed to be the giver of yowr owen guifts, with- 
out the intercession or distribution of it by others, is but to make 
yow master of yowr owen, as it hathe bene desired in the former 
principells. This will not doe it alone, but will give a helpe to 
the worke, not ayming to perswade yow to give lyke a God, that 
looketh for nothing back againe ; nor by the strict rules of vertu, 
that must give only for vertues sake. My rules shall tend to 
give as one that expecteth a returne againe from them, ether out 
of obedience to yowr person or care of yowr profitt ; or love with 
integrite ; or to ease yow of somme labors yow cannot well under- 
goe ; or to be a diligent watche, least snares may be laid for yow ; 
and lastely, to bind yowr dependents without flitting, that every 
day yow be not pute to study new men, new humors, new affec- 
tions. If there be any judiciall considerations in well-carrying 
the former precepts, in this there is a farre greater master worke ; 
for, credit me, to give well and advantagiously will aske a great 
deal of art: but how to give, that yow may have the thanks (since 
it is yow that must part with the benefitt), in it lyeth the 
mistery. ' ' 61 

This is of the earth, earthy. It has, however, the virtue of 
honesty, and as one reads it he feels a guilty relief in thinking 
that circumstances do not compel him to tear down the finely 
spun webs of sophistry which handsomely veil the naked de- 
formity of his real purposes. Which of us could dwell openly 
undisgraced in the Palace of Truth without the magic casket ! 

It is encouraging on turning from these selfish practices, to 
discover others of a genuinely altruistic fibre which plainly 
assert that many times these English noblemen looked further 
than the petty advantaging of self in dealing with their servants. 
Good old Brathwait assures us of one such pleasant habit: It 
was formerly the custom, says he, for Earls to ". . . ap- 
pointe their cheefe Officers to spy out when any rich widdow, or 
Farmers daughter that had no brother, that were his tennants, 
chanced to be in any Mannors or Lordshipps of his, that they 
might be wives to such of his servantes as for their true and 
painefull service deserved to be preferred, that when by age or 

61 Advice to his son, Archaeologia, XXVII, 317 et seq. 



42 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [316 

other infirmities they did grow inerepite, they should not be 
destitute of a dwelling place. . ." This might have entailed 
real sacrifice, for as Brathwait goes on to say, some of the nobles 
in his day were so needy that when any farm "fell" they had 
perforce to prefer him who would pay most. 62 

In other ways, too, did noblemen show a real material gener- 
osity, for while it is apparent in some households at least, that 
the services of little children were hired because they were cheap- 
er, 63 on the other hand a fatherly interest was often taken in the 
material and intellectual welfare of these little folk. In the 
Bertie household there lived a group of twelve youngsters, in- 
cluding the two children of the family. They were called the 
"children of honour," and while it is not clear that these were 
some of the same little people serving in the kitchen and the 
other usual places where children were to be found in such an 
establishment, yet one of the boys was called "William the 
Lackey," and it is probable enough that they were all in office. 
There was one little girl, Anne Gannocke, perhaps the running 
mate for little Susie Bertie. All must have been children of 
promise, both from the name given them, and because the family 
youth were associated with them ; be that as it may, however, all 
were provided with clothing; toys were from time to time pur- 
chased for various ones of the group ; while, best of all, a master 
was regularly paid for instructing three of the boys, and school 
gear like ink and pens was paid for in their names : 

"March 1561 'For 2 payer of shooes for Mr. Peregrine, a 
payer for Mistress Suzan, and a payer for Rychard Hall, at 7d 
the payer, and Rychard Hall's at 8. d.' 2s, 5d. " 

"December, 'For two yardes and a quarter of friseado at 8s 
the yarde ' for coats for the two Georges. ' ' 

"September, 'For 8 payer of knitt hose for the children.' " 

"November, 'For a penne and inke for John Jeny, and for 
quilles for the Georges 9d. ' ' ' 

62 Brathwait, 32-33. The cruel, hard-fisted economy of the house of 
Cornleigh Cornleigh was directly descended from this early practice, I sup- 
pose. See R. Jefferies, The Dewy Morn. 

63 John Howard to his Steward : " . . . also I wold my pastores wer 
wel stored wethe katel, and a Man that schold kepe them myte hoder wyl 
helpe to dreve the karte, and so wethe helpe of chelderen the fewer men 
myte serve; . . ." Household Books 558-560. 



317] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 43 

"Oct. 'To Mr. "Worthington in part payment for the "borde 
and scolinge of Richard Hall, John Turpin and Anthony Black- 
borne 20s." ' " 

"April, 1562, "To Mr. Worthington for the borde and skoleing 
of Rycharde Hall, John Turpine and Anthony Blackborne, for 
one halfe yeare endid at Maie daie next, after £5 the yeare for 
ether of them " £7 : 10s. " " More for Richard Turpine, after 
£4 the year," 40 :s.' " 

"May, 1562 'Paid for bowes and arrowes for George Sebas- 
tian' 6s." 

"June, 1562 'Paid for 2 gramer bookes for the children,' 
2.s." 64 

Lord Willoughby sought the intellectual welfare of his little 
servitors constantly. Even when he was at the head of the 
English forces in the Netherlands, in those trying years 1588- 
1589, enduring all the pitiful hardships which Elizabeth's hesi- 
tating, niggardly policy caused, he bore in mind the education 
of his pages, nay, on one occasion, made it a matter for diplo- 
matic correspondence even. On March 10th, 1589, he writes 
from Middelbourgh to M. Mondragon, Governor of the Citadel 
of Antwerp, regarding the ransom of prisoners, and ends his 
communication in this wise: 

"Meanwhile, I would recall to your memory, that when I was 
Governor of Bergen-op-Zoom, there fell into my hands one Pierre 
le Espagnol, whom, although he was 200 florins short in his ran- 
som, I released upon your word. Now, some month ago, I sum- 
moned from England a certain poor schoolmaster, to teach my 
pages, and on his way hither he was taken on the coasts of 
Flanders and carried to Dunkirk, where he is still a prisoner. 
I pray you therefore to send him to me, in recompense for the 
two hundred florins." 65 

Other noblemen were thoughtful in this important respect 
also. It was no doubt to this same worthy end, at least in part, 
that the 5th Earl of Northumberland maintained a school-house 
in his castle of Leckinfield; from Allhallows to Lady-day, one 
peck of coals daily was delivered to it, and one of the eleven 
priests in the household, who was a Master of Grammar, was 
paid the quite munificent salary of 100s per quarter, for his ser- 

64 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 462. 
G5 Ibid., 263. 



44 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [318 

vices; furthermore, he had a servant assigned to him, who was 
usher in the school. 66 

ee Northumberland Household Booh, 44, 47, 100, 323. It is possible that 
Lord John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, went even further than this; he cer- 
tainly aided in the maintenance of one or two boys at Cambridge, as the 
following entries in his household accounts show, and it is not unlikely that 
the fortunate young men had been in his household, or were to fill stations 
there later. 

August, 21st Edward 4th. "Maister Perfoote, for the childe at Cam- 
brigge. Item, my Lord toke him upon rekenyng for the childe xxvj.s. 
viij.d." 

22nd Edward 4th, January 4th. "Item, ... I, Dalamar [one of 
Howard's servants] toke to Maister Archer upon rekenyng of the kepyng 
of my Lordes children at Cambrygge xiij.s. iiij.d." [In Howard's hand, 
in margin of the MS., "lytel Berweke. "] 

"Item, to the childe to go to Cambrygge iiij.d." 

22nd Edward 4th, April 2nd. "Maister Archer Item, to hym upon 
rekning of the childe of the Hieth fyndyng at Cambrygge xiij.s. iiij.d. So 
he hath had xxvj.s. viij.d." 

"Item, the same day (June 16th, 22nd Edward 4th) my Lord toke a 
man, callyd John Latoune, of Cambrige, to take master Barfote iij.s. 
iiij.d." 

' ' Item, the same yer, and the xx. day of June, my Lord gaff to the same 
John Latowne for his costes from Cambregge to Foderyngey, and to brynge 
the chylde from thens to Stoke vj.s. viij.d." 

' ' Bradf eld. And wher my Lord f yndyth young Bradf eld at Cambrige to 
seole, which begun att Crystmass the xxj. yer of the kyng, he hathe been 
ther half a yer at this last Midsomer, the xxij. yer of the kyng, for the which 
my Lord rec. the same yer, and the vj. day of July, of Jhon Bradffeld, the 
younger, for his parte of the fyndyng of the said childe for half yer xiij.s. 
iiij.d." 

"Mast 1- Barfott. Item, the xviij. day of Octobre, (22nd. Ed. 4th.) my 
Lord paied to Mastr Barfot for his ij. chyldre that he f yndyth at Cam- 
brege v.li. xj.s. j.d. " 

"Archer. The vj. day of Jenever (22nd. Ed. 4th.) my Lord paid to 
mast r Archer, Master of Arte at Sudbury, for a childe that my Lord 
feyndeth att Cambryge, callyd Rychard Beryffe, which came in att myd- 
somer; and my Lord payth for halfe his fyndyng a yere xxvj.s. viij.d.; 
which xxvj.s. viij.d. my Lord paid hym, as hit ys afor rehersed, and so he 
ys paid tell mydsomer next eometh. ' ' 

"Bradffeld of Hythe. Item, the xv. day, (Jan. 22nd Ed. 4th.) my Lord 
rec. of Bradf elde, at the Hythe, (an ordinary) for the fyndyng of the 
childe at Cambryge xiij.s. iiij.d." 

"Young Bradffeld. Item, the same day, (21st March, 23rd Ed. 4th) 
my Lord resseyved of young Bradffeld for the chyldes fyndyng at Cam- 
brege, be the handes of Stephyn Howyth vj.s. viij.d." 

"Bendysh. Item, the v. day of Aprill, (23rd. Ed. 4th.) my Lord alowed 



319] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 45 

Business like as these and similar customs at times were, other 
more exact relationships were established between a noble lord 
and his servitors through the practices in vogue for hiring and 
remunerating servants. Despite the presence of responsible offi- 
cers in a household, few if any of the nobility allowed the many 
duties connected with hiring and paying servants to get beyond 
their own ken, and this, after all, is the best commentary on the 
importance of the servant problem in their eyes. 

In 1512, Northumberland's household numbered one hundred 
and sixty-six people, as before related. The membership was 
supposed to be maintained at this status also, as decided by the 
Earl Percy and his council at his castle of Wressil in the afore- 
said year. 67 If at any time the regular list of servants was not 
full, then the chief officers in charge of the house were to inform 
the earl, so that he could alter the check-roll, or fill up the va- 
cancies in it, either, as he thought best. 08 

The control of this detail was very elaborate. Northumber- 
land had of course, his year's check-roll of the household, family 
and servants. 69 He had in addition what was called the quarter 
check-roll, on which were the names of all in the house present 
for that particular quarter, together with the wages of each ser- 
vant on duty. 70 This had to be made out regularly for each quar- 

Willm Ferth, of Hadleyth, for Bendysh sone, to fynde hym at skole at 
Cambrege xxvj.s. viij.d. " 

"Mastr Stokes. Item, the xxiij. yere of the kynge, and the v. day of 
Aprill, my Lord delivered to mast r Stokes a sygnement to Geffrey Bledwell, 
for to resseyve of hym uppon v. markes that my Lord geveff hym yerly to 
his skole ward, for the terme of Ester last past xl.s. And so he is content 
unto the said Ester, and more to the summa of vj.s. viij.d." 

"M. Berfotte. And the same day, and the first yere of the kyng (Sat. 
Oct. 4th, 1st, Ei. 3rd.) my Lord rekyned with mastr Barfote for his childe 
at Cambryge, callid Willm Marche, and wher he axsyth for a xij. monthe 
for the said childe, at hit a pereth be his bill more playnlyar un to Myel- 
messe last past v.li.xj.s. x.d. : and for tother chylde callid Barfelde for a 
yere un to the said Myelmesse a bove wretyn iij.li. xiiij.s. vij.d. ; which 
drawith ix.li. vj.s. v.d., my Lorde hathe delyverd the said Master Barffote 
a syngment to yong Jhon Reynfford to rec. of hym the said ix.li. vj.s. v.d.; 
and so he ys, all thynges rekyned, content un to the said Myelmesse a boffe 
wretyn for all that he can ax." See Howard Houselwld Books (Collier), 
99, 147, 149, 178, 207, 214, 300, 337-338, 341, 371, 379, 380, 467-468. 

67 Northumberland Household Boolc } 46. 

es Ibid., 46. 

69 Ibid., 235. 

to Ibid., 64. 



46 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [320 

ter, by the Clerk of the Kitchen or the Clerk of the Brevements 
or accounts, and handed in a senet (fourteen days) before each 
quarter day, so that his lordship could look it over, correct it, 
have it made up and sign it before the end of that quarter. If 
amending had to be done, the necessary information therefor 
was contained in four distinct bills, which were filled out and 
handed in at the same time by the above-mentioned officers. One 
had to contain the names of persons who had quit service during 
the quarter, what their places were and what wages they had 
drawn. The second was a bill of the ". . . rowmes in the 
Chequirerolle that laks Persons in theme accordynge to the Ordor 
of the Chequirerolle . . . " that is, the official list of servants. 71 
At first glance one of these two bills seems superfluous. In real- 
ity both appear to have been needed. It might have been that 
at some quarter certain vacancies in the roll were allowed to 
stand; such would be recalled to the earl's attention each new 
quarter by the rooms bill, when he could thereupon do his pleas- 
ure in regard to them. This was quite a different matter from 
a fresh vacancy. 

The two other bills had likewise to be made out each quarter. 
One contained the names of all the people in the household not 
in office, and the reasons why they were there, so that the earl 
could decide whether to put them into service ". . . or ells 
to cause theme to departe owte of the house, . . ." In the 
other were listed the names of all in a particular office above the 
number provided for it in the official roll, and the reasons why. 
All four of these bills had to be signed by the earl himself. 72 

The servants in control of this detail were supplied with a 
formula for each bill, worked out by Northumberland with the 
help of his council. The following is the style of the rooms 
bill : ' ' THIS IS THE BILL of the Names of the PARSONNES 
That wantes in the ROWMES in the Chequirroill made at 
Michaelmas in th' Eight Yeir of the Reigne of our Sovereigne 
Lorde Kinge Henry the viijth That shulde fulfill the Hoole 
Noumbre appointed that my Lorde shulde keip in his Hous for 
an Hoole Yeir AS the Names of the saide Parsonnes Ande what 
Parsonnes they be Ande in what Rowmes they waite in my saide 

71 Northumberland Household Boole, 70. 

72 Ibid., 70-71, and 267. 



321] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 47 

Lordes Hous Hereaftir followithe in this Bill Signide with, my 
Lordes Hande." 73 

Once a new servant were chosen for duty his lordship sought 
further to insure himself by insisting upon the administration of 
an oath of office. Thus it was provided ". . . that what 
Person somevir he be that cummeth to my Lordes Service That 
incontinent after he be enterede in the Chequirroill that he be 
sworne in the Counting-hous by a Gentleman Usher or a Yeoman 
Usher in the presence of a Hede Officer Ande in their absence 
befoire the Clarke of the Kitching Aither by suche an Oithe as 
in the Book of Oithes if any suche be Or ellis by suche an Oithe 
as they schal seam best by their Discressions. ' ' 74 

It is quite impossible to affirm that so elaborate a system as 
was here in operation was used all over by the nobles; but the 
same purpose was worked out all over. Henry, Earl of Derby, 
had his check-roll which was ". . . to be sett downe onder 
my L. his hande of the names and nomber of his L. S 'vantes gen- 
erallie to be allowed in his L. house." His lordship was to be 
closely aware of any substitution in office, for which his license 
or the permit of the chief officers had to be given. He main- 
tained the usual dependence of all the lower servants on the 
principal officers in the establishment. 75 There was no hiring of 
servants without the knowledge of the master therefore, and this 
was probably universally understood in households at large. 

Many nobles went much farther than this, and assumed a di- 
rect share in the actual process of engaging their help. The 9th 
Earl of Northumberland tells his son how at the beginning of his 
career, he at first chose " . . . yong, handsomme, brave, swag- 
gering, debaucht, wilde, servants . . ." who abetted his wild 
desires, etc. 76 James, 7th Earl of Derby, says that he would not 
hire a servant who was either a Puritan or a Jesuit, nor would 
he willingly take on a musician (I suppose one who could play 
but did not do so by profession). Again he remarks: "It is 
very handsome to have comely men to serve you," and advises 
against married help, as it necessitated keeping the children like- 

73 Northumberland Household Booh, 267-268. 

74 Ibid., 258. 

75 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 20. 

76 Advice to his son, Archaeologia, XXVII, 323. 



48 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [322 

wise — all servant requisites scarcely to be left to the decision of 
a proxy. But the earl, further assuring his son against all pit- 
falls says : ' ' For the first Conjecture one usually will give of a 
great Man & of his Understanding, is, upon Sight of his Follow- 
ers & Servants, whether they be able & faithful. For then he is 
reputed wise, as having Knowledge to discern. I know many 
great Families of ENGLAND ruin 'd, that when I have asked the 
Reason, usually the Answer was, 'In good Fayth it is a great 
Pitty — he is well borne — hath had many gallant Gentlemen of 
his owne Name — He himself is an honest Gentleman — very 
kind-natur'd, & very liberall — But he hath ill Servants.' He 
might as well have said in short, his Lordship is a very Foole, & 
his Men be Knaves." 77 There is no doubt but that the 7th Earl 
of Derby picked out his servitors: ! 

Lord John Howard, who became Duke of Norfolk in June of 
1483, and who was not least among the nobles of his day, often 
made it a practice to represent in person his side of the contract 
when new hands were taken on at Stoke. This was the case 
whether the help were for some specified job on one of his 
places, or for the regular household service. This nobleman's 
custom, and probably the English wide manner of the time, was 
to dicker out the terms of the agreement, and set them down in 
a formal statement, a veritable indenture, such as the king him- 
self used when he bargained with noblemen, say, for military 
service. Such a pact must have assumed an awful sanctity in 
the eyes of the domestic hireling or else the common ground be- 
tween the high and mighty and the work-a-day folk in their em- 
ploy was much commoner than is perhaps understood. 

The dates and terms of the service were always specified and 
the agreement was generally clinched, as were all such bargains 
then, apparently, with a pittance from Howard to his new man, 
as earnest of his sincerity: "The xxx. day of Jewen, (22d, Ed- 
ward 4th) I mad konante wethe John Braby, that he schal serve 
me frome hower Lady day of Sanesyon nexte comhenge to that 
day xij monthe, and he to have fore is serves be the yere xl.s. 
And a gowen, and he to fynde hemeselfe bedeng; and I gafe 
heme in erneste xij.d. " 78 

77 Letter to his son, Stanley Papers, Pt. 3, 3, 11-12. 
78 Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 211. 



323] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 49 

Howard used exactly this same detail in hiring some of his 
more important servants. On January 11, 1482, he personally 
made covenant with Sir John Leonas of Hadley for a year's ser- 
vice at five marks, and his lordship gave Sir John thereupon 
12.d. in earnest. 79 Howard sometimes allowed his Steward to 
take on a new man, probably when the new-comer was for his de- 
partment. On August 10, 1482, the Steward, Blyant, agreed 
with John Baker for his services from Mid-summer to Michael- 
mas., and the latter received that Saturday 2.s. 80 This form for 
hiring help was also in use on the Bertie estates; thus in April 
of 1561, 4 x /2-d. was paid "to Philip Handon the gardiner, to 
bynde him for a yeare to be servante." 81 

Naturally it was eminently necessary for a nobleman to ap- 
point his officers of household. This was formally done by 
granting to such men patents of the particular positions for 
which they were chosen. William ffarington held his office of 
Steward to Earl Henry of Derby by patent, 82 and his Receiver- 
Generalship under that earl's successor, the Earl Ferdinando, 
by a like grant. 83 The 5th Earl of Northumberland spoke of his 
Surveyor as ' ' promoted by patent, ' ' 84 and of his Dean of the 
Chapel and his council-men as drawing a certain wage by 
patent. 85 

"Wages were generally reckoned by the quarter or by the year, 
and were paid according to the custom of the house, quarterly, 
half-yearly, or yearly, but sometimes with the greatest irregu- 
larity. Northumberland paid the large body of his servants 
half-yearly, 85 but the wages of all were established for the quar- 
ter. 86 His Chapel men were regularly paid quarterly and so 
were his launderers. 87 In 1523 Sir Thomas Lovell paid all of 
his hands on Michaelmas for the year, 88 but the Earls of Rutland 

79 Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 150. 

so Ibid., 229. 

si Grimsthorpe House Papers, 464. 

82 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, xxxviii. 

83 Ibid., lxiii. 

84 Northumberland Household Boole, 47. 

85 Ibid., 47. 

ss Northumberland Household Boole, 28. 

ss Ibid., 50. 

si Ibid., 23, 27. 

88 MSS. of Duke of Butland, 4, 260 et seq. 



50 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [324 

after him paid quarterly. 89 Lord John Howard agrees with men 
for their services from such and such a quarter, and talks about 
paying servants their quarter's wages, 90 but his actual payments 
were most irregular and hard to follow. Occasionally many re- 
ceived pay at one time, 91 but again the hire was doled out to his 
servants in such a scattering fashion and in such varying 
amounts that one is inclined to believe that his Grace, like many 
before and since his day, paid up when he had the money. 92 

In 1469 the Duke of Clarence ordered— "ITEM, That all 
suche persons as shalle attend aboute the said Duke be in a 
chekker rolle in the kepinge of the clerke of the averye ; and that 
every squyer of housholde have viid.ob. every daye that he wait- 
eth in the courte ; every yeoman iiiid. every groome iid. every 
page suche wages as shalle please the seid Duke ; and the seid 
wages to be payed quarterly in the counting-house; and once 
clothinge ; and also rewardes to suche as be moste diligent, hon- 
orable, and profitable; with suche preferment as accordeth to 
theire desertes. ' ' And again — ' ' ITEM, That all suche persons 
as shalle entend aboute the Duchesse be at wages in certaine by 
the yeare, and paied quarterly, as it is aforeseid; beinge in a 
rolle in the kepinge of the clerke of the kichyn, or elles the clerk 
of the stable. ' ' 93 Lord William Howard of Naworth was at 
times, it seems, in arrears with his wage money, though equally 
it appears to have been his custom to establish servant hire quar- 
terly and yearly ; thus in 1612 part of his wage budget reads as 
follows : ' ' January. — To Fergus, for one quarter due at 
Christemas last, x s . 16. To Mrs Jane Slade, for half a yeare due 
then, iij u . 26. To Anthony Yates, for one quarter due at Can- 
dellmas, xvj s viij d Feb. 2. To Harry Baker, for one quarter due 
at Candellmas, xx s , ' ' 94 etc. 

An effort was made to avoid complications in wage reckoning 

89 Ibid., 284 et seq., 296, 308, 319 et seq., 362. 
so Howard Household Books (Collier), 211 e.g. 
9i Ibid., 375 et seq. 

92 Ibid. One man Benham, for example, was paid as follows: 1481 — ■ 
Apr. 4th, Aug. 22nd, Aug. 28th, Nov. 28th. In 1483 — Apr. 5th, Apr. 25th, 
July 12th, Aug. 10th, Sept. 3rd, Dec. 24th. I have worked out four or five 
other like cases. 

93 Boyal Household Ordinances, 94. 

94 Household Boolcs of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 17. 



325] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 51 

by taking on help at the regular quarters. These were, of course, 
Michaelmas, Christmas, Lady-Day, and Mid-summer, or Saint 
John Baptist. The covenants Lord John Howard made with 
his new men were all, as above noted, effective from one of the 
quarters. 95 He had a man, Webbe, hired from Michaelmas, 
1481, another, Werwell, from Christmas, three others, at Easter, 
and so on. 96 The 5th Earl of Northumberland practiced a clever 
scheme to the same end. It certainly was not always practical 
or possible to hire help only on a quarter day. If an office fell 
vacant, it probably had to be filled at once. Northumberland, 
however, laid down the rule that if a new hand came into ser- 
vice, within one month of a quarter day, on either side of it, he 
must "enter wages" as the term went, from that quarter, while 
if he were taken on at any time more than one month from a 
quarter, his pay then started with the next quarter; under either 
of these conditions a man might be compelled to work for some 
time gratis, but the earl also ruled that if he chose to do so, he 
might, off-hand as it were, reward such a one for service thus 
rendered. 97 

That great peer was nevertheless as accurate a paymaster as 
any present day manager of a department store with his relent- 
less time-clock. He supplied no happy-go-lucky fount of shil- 
lings and pence for the wayward or the regular absentee among 
his servants ; no work, no pay, was ever his steadfast code. Punc- 
tually at every half-year must his charged officials, the Clerk of 
the Kitchen or of the Brevements, turn in a, bill, wherein were 
the names of such servants as had absented themselves from ser- 
vice without a license, together with the reasons for such ab- 
sences, the lengths of time they were away and the sums that 
were therefore to be deducted from the half-year's wage of each. 
The earl took care, also, to duly sign this bill. 98 He kept a like 
close eye on the goings-out and the comings-in of his Chapel men, 
though in their cases, of course, the bill had to be made out quar- 
terly. 99 Again, if it chanced that any of his household went 
with their master, in the service of the King ' ' beyond the seas, ' ' 

95 Vide also Howard Household Books (Collier), 362, 382, etc., etc. 
™Ibid., 362. 

97 Northumberland Household Boole, 46. 

98 Northumberland Household Boole, 67. 

99 Ibid., 67. 



52 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [326 

they received no household wages for the time that they were 
absent, since they were then in the sovereign's hire. The ac- 
counting of such time was in the hands of the same metronomic 
officers earlier named. 100 

Finally it remains to be said that the quarter day pay system, 
if rigidly practiced, often entailed hardship on various of the 
servants who must needs frequently have been as distracted as 
the down-at -heels university instructor who can but ill span the 
dreary lenten wastes lying between his thirty-day microscopic 
budget items, and under the circumstances, they, like that lean 
shadow of misery, learned to deal in futures. Thus Lady How- 
ard (Lord John's wife) pays Roger of the wardrobe 3.s:4.d. 
on his wages to buy ' ' hosen. ' ' 101 At another time the same 
kindness is extended to another of the household men, Thomas 
Seyneclow, "on his wage," whose hosen, too, were ill-timed in 
mid-season on their last legs ! 102 

So common was this practice in the Northumberland house- 
hold that it developed a special book-keeping to take care of it. 
Each quarter when pay-day drew near, the Clerk of the Kitchen 
or of the Brevements had to call on the Cofferer, and Clerk of 
the Treasury — fellow officers, for the bill of all ' ' p rests of 
wages" which had been paid out by them at the earl's order in 
part payment of wages. These items were then deducted from 
the amounts otherwise due to such luckless servants, when the 
wage bill was duly made up and signed by Northumberland. 103 

While it is not necessary to specify the rates of wages paid to 
servants, it may be intimated that the gross sums thus expended 
in the course of a year were large, and formed a goodly portion 
of the annual household expenditure. In 1469, George, Duke of 
Clarence, paid 1099£:l$:4d for servant hire, his entire running 
cost for the year being 4505£:15s:10d and eleven twenty-fourths. 
So closely did his clerk figure! 104 Northumberland's hired help 
cost him yearly, at the rate of payment adopted in 1512, 189£: 
6s:8d, in a yearly total of 933£6s:8d. 105 Edward, Earl of Derby, 

100 Md., 67. 

ioi Howard Household Books (Collier), 317. 

102 ibid., 192. 

103 Northumberland Household Boole, 70-71. 
i°* Boyal Household Ordinances, 104-105. 
105 Northumberland Household Boole, 28. 



327] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 53 

paid 299£:19s to servants in 1561, which year it cost him 
2895£ :6d to run his house ; 10G while in the 28th year of Henry 
8th, 49£:8s:9d was the quarter's wage paid by the Earl of Rut- 
land to his servants. 107 

Very often too, in looking at the mere money item one has but 
a part of the story of these bargains between a nobleman and his 
servants. According to the agreement, when a servant was 
hired, perhaps a bit of the money he received was swallowed up 
in some trade material he had to furnish, or, on the other hand, 
he was allowed so much wages, and so much cloth or clothing. 
Northumberland's Armourer received four marks a year for 
taking charge of the earl's "stuff," which included all his armor, 
and the man was to furnish ". . . al manar of stuf for 
Clensynge of the said stuf." 108 His arras mender, if he were a 
groom received 33s :4d a year in wages, and 20s for ". . . 
fyndyng of al manar of stuf belonging to his facultie except 
Silk and Golde. . . " 109 Each butcher in this same household 
receiced 33s :4d a year if he were a yeoman, and if a groom, 20s 
and was ". . . to be owte of Meit and Drynk and all other 
charges of the Hous." 110 On October 29, 1481, Lord John 
Howard's "Will of Bakehouse was paid 5s in cash and got in ad- 
dition two yards and three-quarters of cloth. 111 On January 
18th, of the next year, Agnes of the chamber received 5s from 
Lady Howard, and 6s :8d for her gown — announcing herself as 
satisfied with these findings of the year's clearing-house. 112 On 
November 19, 1482, Lord Howard himself delivered to Eose 
Delroy on her wages "a plyth and a half of lawn" which cost 
3s, and another, to Katherine of the Chamber, worth 2s. 113 
Thomas the Harper had his lyard (grey) gown in addition to 
his wages, and on January 9, 1481, 6s:8d was laid out for "2 
yerdes of narowe cloth" for that amiable purpose. 114 

Such terms as these were always found right in the agree- 

loe Stanley Papers, Pt, 2, 5, 7. 

197 MSS. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 286. 

108 Northumberland Household Boole, 48. 

109 Ibid., 48. 
iio/6id., 48. 

in Howard Household Books, 125. 
H2/&MZ., 343. 
us Ibid., 319. 
mlbid., 149. 



54 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [328 

ments made with servants when they were hired. On January 
17th, 1483, Lord John Howard had a "reckoning" as he always 
called it, with his Bailiff, in the course of which it was made 
evident that that servitor had come to him the year before at 
Candlemass, and had agreed by covenant to serve Howard for 
40s a year "for hym and his wyffe, and ther clothyng" — fur- 
ther, this year, Howard had delivered him his "gown cloth" 
and 6s :8d to his wife for her gown, etc. 115 On March 8th of that 
same year, Lord Howard was himself, as usual, making out the 
terms of service with a man, and the bargain was concluded 
thus: ". . . that he shalbe with my Lord a qrtr, from our 
Lady day next comenge, for the summa of xiij.s. iiij.d. And so 
my Lord wall geff hym, affter that qrtr, for a yere lenger, affter 
the same wages, and a gown." 116 

Once in a while the wages of a servant seem thoughtfully to 
have been adapted to the circumstances of his case ; Northumber- 
land vouchsafes the half apologetic explanation for the 40s a 
year he paid to each of his footmen, perhaps to protect those folk 
from envious fellow servitors, that it was ". . . bicause of 
the moch Werynge of his stuf with labor." 117 Not many cases 
of .such sensible solicitude appear, however. 

What official actually attended to the payment of the house- 
hold wages seems to have depended simply on individual prac- 
tice. Northumberland's Chamberlain and Treasurer, who in 
1512 were respectively Sir John Norton and Gefferay Proctor, 
stood charged with the important duty that year in his house- 
hold ; 118 they did not, however, pay the quarterly laundry bill 
which was entrusted to the Clerk of the Kitchen. In 1522 Sir 
Thomas Lovell's Receivor paid the servants' wages, 119 while in 
1561 the same official in the household of Edward, Earl of Derby, 
handled such moneys in part. 120 

On John Howard's estate at Stoke, that busy lord again and 
again took upon himself this business. Apparently he did not 
feel it beneath his duty to take the humblest domestic her hire. 

us Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 342-343. 

peloid., 362. 

ii7 Northumberland Household Boole, 48. 

us Northumberland Household Booh, 27-28. 

ii9 MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 260, Hist, Mss. Com. 

120 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 5. 



329] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 55 

On August 22, 1482, he paid Agnes the chamberer 6s:8d for 
wages. 121 He paid the mole-killer 122 and the bird-taker, 123 or 
the beer brewer, 124 the baker, butcher 125 — any, in fact, working 
for him. If it chanced that his lordship were away from home, 
which was frequently the case, then his lady might assume this 
work, along with the other responsibilities she was at such times 
wont to shoulder ; nor did it matter to her into what department 
of the household such a duty carried her. Once when Howard 
was in London, she paid 18s to the workmen, who were tile- 
makers, carpenters, plasterers and pond-makers, together with 3s 
to one Bakon for thrashing out nine quarters of barley and oats, 
and other sums to carters, the smith and the broom-maker. 126 It 
was quite her custom to pay the female help in the household 
also. 127 

At the end of the 16th century, the Steward, of the officers in 
the household, was charged with paying the wages of the ser- 
vants. 128 This may have been a custom long in practice too ; 
thus Lord John Howard's Steward, the man Blyant, frequently 
paid different men in the household at Stoke, but these were al- 
most always hands in his own department. In September of 
1481 he paid mowers. 129 In June of the next year, mowers, and 
"year men" (men who had contracted for a year's service), 
while in October of 1481 a little group of gleaners, men and 
women, engaged in getting in the after-math, or "rowin, " were 
paid by Howard through his Steward. 130 Blyant was quite apt 
to pay for carting and hauling, 131 for smithy's work, 132 , carpen- 
ter hire, 133 tilers, 134 and others. Very frequently, however, in 

121 Howard Household Books (Collier), 99. 

mlbid., 374. 

123 JMd., 425. 

it* Ibid., 176. 

125 Ibid., 176. 

i26JM<Z., 184. 

127 ibid., 51, 108, 170, 173, 183, 284, 304, etc. 

128 Breviate, Archaeologia, XIII, 316. 

129 Howard Household BooJcs (Collier), 114. 
mo Ibid., 119. 

i3i Ibid., 174, 188 e.g. 

i32/6id., 185. 

izzibid., 198. 

^iibid., 198 (vide also 207, 208, 212, 216, 225-226, 228-229, 290, 299, 
etc.) 



56 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [330 

this same household, other men assumed responsibility for pay- 
ing servants and other hired help, and it is impossible to tell who 
they were. One such man was called Dalamar, 135 while another 
was a curious factotum by the name of Skynner, 136 and many 
times, Giles Seneclow, or his brother Thomas, 137 who largely 
wrote up the household books, paid the servants off. 

In addition to the regular money wages, various of the ser- 
vants in every household received either certain "fees" as the 
little perquisites of their offices were called, or their equivalent 
in money, which sums were likewise known as fees. The list of 
such possible fees is very interesting. It was strictly, of course, 
each man after his kind. The Yeomen of the Horse got the dis- 
carded saddles and bridles of the Yeomen and Grooms of that de- 
partment ; while the Yeoman Rider had his own played-out equip- 
ment. To the Coachman and "Waggoner went the old wagons, 
and the broken wheels of both wagons and coaches which had 
run their last circuit; the Grooms had the worn-out horse shoes 
and the stable dung. The fees of the Clerks of the Kitchen were 
calves' and lambs' heads and skins. When gaming or "play" 
was allowed in the Hall, the Usher and Groom of the Hall had 
the privilege of sharing the profit of the ' ' box " ; 13S in fact two- 
thirds of its contents went to the Usher, and the remainder to 
the Groom; the same was done with rewards given in the Hall, 
"except ther be several givers to them." The Yeoman Usher 
and Groom of the Great Chamber had similarly for their fees the 
income of the box when play went on in the big chamber or the 
dining room, each man receiving half ; but the profits of the box 
in the withdrawing chamber or the galleries went to the grooms 
of the bed-chambers,, a part of whose duties it was "to keepe 
faire those Roomes. " The Yeoman of the cellar had the wine 
lees and the empty casks; he of the pantry, the bread "chip- 
pings." 139 The Yeoman of the ewery got the candle ends and 

135 JMd, 100, 109, etc. 

i™Ibid., 211, e.g. 

w Ibid., 133, 282, 283, 287, 291, 320, 378, 390, etc. 

1 38 Could this mean that stakes were so divided, or were there little 
charges for the right to enter the game? 

13 9 A technical term, certain bread was "chipped" to prepare it for use. 
George, Duke of Clarence orders — ■ ' ' . . . no loof e [of bread] to be 
paired, excepte for my lorde and his bourde, all other looves to be chipped 
. . . " — Ordinances, 95. 



331] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 57 

parings, while in the kitchen a soggy, swill-ripe miscellany of 
drippings, skimmed fat, broken bones, necks, giblets and feathers 
of fowls, together with rabbit and cony skins, went, the half of it 
to the Master Cook, his first assistant being allowed also a pro- 
portionate share, while the remainder of the sorry mess was to 
be divided among the young cooks. The slaughterman could 
lay claim to the heads of beeves, minus the tongues, and to the 
sheep's heads and plucks. The baker's fee was the bran which 
remained after he and the groom had bolted their flour; and 
finally, the brewers had the "grains and yeast" (that is the 
malted grain after it had been used in the brewing) , 140 

These droll hack-ends were often sold by the servants; Brath- 
wait says: ". . . and they (the yeoman and groom) must 
sell out none (bread-chippings) vntill they have bene by some 
of them (the officers) vewed; . . ," 141 and apparently some 
of the houses directly bought up these vales for home use ; thus 
"fees" formed quite a substantial part of one division of the 
gross household expenses of Edward, Earl of Derby's establish- 
ment, in 1561, where they were figured on a money basis: 
". . . In frees and Wages payd by the Receiv' w* xiij 11 vj s 
viij 3 for his own free . . . x iiij x j 11 iiij s ij d . " 142 In the 
weekly accounts of his successor, Henry, so many pecks of ' ' chip- 
pings" were a regular item, and these together with the "broken 
beer" fees, the earl, in 1567, forbade both the Yeoman of the 
Pantry and his butlers to sell ; they were reserved for the poor, 
and at the time of the yearly auditing of the accounts those 
officers were given 30s each ' ' in lue thereof. ' ' 143 

In the household of the 5th Earl of Northumberland this reg- 
ulation was established: "ITEM My Lorde useth and accus- 
tomyth to pay yerly owte of his Lordships CofTures to the Yoman 
and Grome of his Lordships Pantre Which standith chargede 
with the saide Pantre for as much Chippings of Trencher-Brede 
and other Brede of ther Vaillis as doith serve for the fedyinge 
of my Lords Howndis daily thorow owt the Yere Ande so to be 
paid unto them for that cause at ij tymes of the Yere Viz. at 

140 Brathwait, for all these facts. 
i4i Ibid., 29. 

142 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 5. 

143 JMd., 21. 



58 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [332 

our Lady Day and Michalmas After vjs. viijd. at aither Day in 
full Contentacion for the hole Yere — xiijs. iiijd." 144 

The whole practice was a foolishly benevolent one, which often 
must sorely have tugged the strained moral fibre of the poor 
servants, and now and again a man went down too before such 
bufferings of the devil. Thus the chief officials in the house- 
holds had to view the wine lees and the empty casks before the 
yeomen took them from the cellar. They must keep sharp watch 
lest the Yeoman and Groom of the Pantry when preparing the 
bread for use "chopp of great peeces of the bottomes of the 
loaves, to make the chippings the better ; ' ' or lest the Yeoman of 
the Ewery allow the chandlers to cheat in the weight and quality 
of their lights so that they in return, "would pleasure him" by 
making those same lightes "to be longer at the great ends, very 
neare three fingers breadth of tallow than the cotton or wicke 
doth reach," which sizable chunk he could cut off and throw in 
with his parings. The brewers had to be watched to see that 
they properly stirred the malt when it was in the vat with the 
liquor "and not to leave the strength to remaine in the graines, 
being their fees; that such as buy the same of these, putting 
liquor thereto, may draw good drincke forth thereof." The 
Yeoman Baker if left to his own devices, was prone laxly to super- 
intend the miller's grinding, for the bran being the former's fee, 
his temptation to let the miller grind coarse were a dancing one ; 
his evil genius might again play him false when he and the 
groom were bolting the meal ; how easy for them to allow a good 
portion of flour to remain, thus enriching their bran ! In the 
household of George, Duke of Clarence, a special officer had to 
be on hand when lard was being made to see to it that no fees 
were prematurely taken before the household was "sufficiently 
served, for fryinge, and for the uncture of the chariottes and 
cartes, as it shall be needefull. . ." 145 So it went with every 
office. 146 The stable and horse men, if they were at all human 
and like their fellows of to-day, must have been apt indeed to 
pronounce early on the decrepitude of their office furnishings, 
had they to take sly measures to assure their verdict. What 

144 Northumberland Household Boole, 353. 

145 Household Ordinances, 95. 

!46 All fees were under supervision in the household of George, Duke of 
Clarence. See Boyal Household Ordinances, 95-96. 



333] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 59 

erring mortal would not have played such tricks if his hosen 
gave out and quarter day were as far off as it might be in such a 
crisis ! 

Finally, still as part of the practical relationship established 
between a nobleman and his servants, were the prevailing prac- 
tices of furnishing to servants certain clothing, and allowing 
them certain food. In some households the sums paid yearly for 
livery cloth and badges for the servants were large. The 7th 
Earl of Derby (17th century) advised his son to have all of his 
servants under the yeomen in livery. 147 Earlier it was custom- 
ary for all servitors to be thus appareled. In 1469 George, Duke 
of Clarence, furnished cloth for both long and short gowns to 
two hundred and ninety-nine servants including "Chambyr- 
layne, hedde officers, knyghtes, and ladyes, " the whole costing 
him that year 308£ :3s :4d. 14S In 1561 Edward Derby's Receiver 
paid 152£:18s:7d for cloth for this purpose. 149 John Carleton, 
Receiver in 1522 for Sir Thomas Lovell, laid out that year 
42£:12y 2 d to one "Rycherd Marche for xj peces of brode cloth 
made at Redeng the colour light tawney orenge colour. . ." 
In the lot were five pieces measuring one hundred and twenty- 
nine and a half yards, at 3s:4d the yard, five pieces measuring 
one hundred and thirty-one yards at 3s a yard, and one of five 
and a quarter yards, at 2s :10d the yard. 150 On May 6th of 1578 
livery cloth cost Lord North of Kirtling 23£:3&:8d, while in 
1581, he paid 8£:3s:4d for "vij score yardes freese" for the 
same purpose. 

Livery cloth indeed could occasionally prove an annoying and 
expensive item to a nobleman. In June of 1483, Lord John 
Howard became Duke of Norfolk, and verily cloth figured large, 
for some time, at least, in the background of his existence. Be- 
fore July 19th of that year, livery material, blue, red, tawny — 
some coarse and some fine, had been purchased in the customary 
large pieces of twenty-one to twenty-five yards each, from men 
in Somersetshire, Gloucestershire, and Suffolk, who may have 
been in London, and also from men who were apparently London 
drapers (Poster, Porter, Davis, Stoddard, Hartwell, Cappell 

i« Second Letter to Ms son, Stanley Papers, Pt. 3, 3, 46. 

us Royal Household Ordinances, 105. 

149 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 5. 

iso MSS. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 262. 



60 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [334 

and Whight are named). The entire bill for this footed up at 
156£:9s:6d. In addition to this cloth, Howard also purchased, 
on June 2nd, 1483, from one Thomas Coles, a London skinner, 
enough tawny camlet, black damask, holland, black velvet, tuke 
russet, tawny damask, black satin, cloth of gold, green satin, 
plunket camlet, tawny satin, purple velvet, black buckram, 
"nayle" velvet and white tuke, to leave a handsome debit of 
156£:16s:2d upon the merchant's books. These were neat items, 
but a deal of the cloth, all of the livery, it seems, was broad- 
cloth, for the "barbing," "shearing" and "sewing" of which, 
other costs, from 4d up to 3£ :12s, had to be paid. All told, to 
fit out the household in new attire for so impressive but withal 
festive an event, was an expensive luxury of which his lordship 
must have been quite aware. 

Howard and his wife paid on these cloth bills from time to 
time. On July 16th the duchess paid forty marks to two differ- 
ent men "in part payment for cloth for the livery," while on 
August 10th the duke himself had a reckoning with the man 
Davis, mentioned above, when it was discovered that his Grace 
was owing the merchant 16£ to date for cloth; Howard there- 
upon paid Davis half the sum and agreed to pay the balance "at 
Bartelmew tyde nexst folewyng. " He was as good as his word 
too — a later hand having entered upon his books: "Hit ye al 
payde, as hit a perith after wards. ' ' 

What with the cloth, however, and other expenses attendant 
on his entrance to his dukedom, such as paying for his letters 
patent, with their seal fee, having the goldsmith properly fur- 
bish up his sword, and repair his "garter" along with other 
work, having new arras worked with the tr^st, lions, "Dytyng 
and dressyng his swerd at his creacion, " joiner's fees for tipped 
staves, engraving his new signet, and little grace sums like that 
paid to the clerk of the duchy, the new duke was quite pressed, 
if not seriously, at least for ready money. He paid for only a 
part of his cloth, nor could he pay entirely for his tipped staves, 
giving the joiners but 40s, and in addition he got Thomas Coles 
to go surety for him to a "Lombard" for 88£:6s :2d. The Lom- 
bard, according to Howard's signetted bill of July 20, 1483, was 
one Alysandir Portenary, merchant of Florence, and was per- 
haps the same Italian from whom Howard had at another time 



335] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 61 

58£ — likewise through the agency of Coles, who must have been 
a reliable man. Both the loans were duly paid upon September 
13th, for the clerk entered on that date, "which sum ys paid up 
and content, and so ys both Jhon Colle [he must have meant 
Thomas] and the bill seansellyd and my Lord payd the 
money." 151 

All this was extra expense so that the household might be all 
spick and span, a la mode, for the "creation"; but Lord John 
Howard, like all of the nobles, had always paid regularly for 
clothing and shoes, as well as for mending hosen and clouting 
worn foot-wear for many of his servants ; particularly were the 
children of the chapel, those in the kitchen, the stable men and 
boys and Richard the Fool thus looked after, and the payments 
of such items were generally intrusted to the man called Skinner 
whom we noted earlier: Thus on October 13, 1481, "My Lord 
payd Skynner that he leyd owte for a peyre of choys to the lad 
of the ketchyn Campbell vjd, . . . " 152; or a fuller bill of July 
11th, when he paid 8d for a "scherte to Jonge of the Kechin;" 
2d for "mendyng of Robyn of the stabell his hossyn;" 6d for a 
"peyer of schoys to Mond of the bake howse;" and 5d for a 
"peyer of schoys for George of the Kechyn. " 

It was the practice with the Earl of Surrey, Lord Howard's 
son, to have regular settlements of accounts for such items as 
these, with different craftsmen — tailors, shoemakers and others. 
"M d . A reconyng mad with Jakson, the tayllor, (Jan. 5th-6th 
Henry 7th) and then he reconyd for the makyng of vij tany 
gowyns for the chyldreen of the chapell, takyng for the pese 
makyng vjd. Item, for ij gowyns for the henchemen xij.d. ; and 
for the makyng of a gowyn for Jak the chambur vj.d. and for the 
makyng of a dowbelett, and a peyer of hosyn lyned, for Holcote, 
xviij.d. ; and for the makyng of ij. cotes to Ri chart, Robyn and 
John Feney xij.d. Item, for v. yardes of whyte lyneng to the 
sayd dowbelett cotes ij.s j.d. Item for a yard of whyt fryse to 
make a qrtr to Alderson gown vj.d. Item, for dyeng of the 
lyneng for the henchemens gownys, and Jak of the chambers 
viij.d. Item, for the makyng of a dowbelett to Magnus chyld of 
the brewhowse x.d; and for hys hosyn makyng iiij.d. Item, for 

isi Howard Household BooTcs (Collier), 406-443. 

152 lUd., 117, 215. Further instances, 31, 49, 117, 148-149, 164, 167, etc. 



62 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [336 

the same Magnus a whyt cote and a payre sloppes, makyng 
viij.d." 153 One of the reckonings for shoes is interesting: "M d . 
Reeonyd with Wyllyam Palmer, the v. day of Januare anno vj t0 
H. vij mi ; and that day he reeonyd from the fest of Saynt Michel], 
anno vj t0 H. vij mi , unto the fest of Crystmas then next folyyng 
the same, for all such shoys as [he] hath delyvered: fyrst to the 
chylderyn of the chapell by the sayd space xxvp. payre of shewys, 
takyng for the payre iiij.d. Item, to Magnus chyld of the brew- 
hows, iij. payre shewis, price xviij.d. Item, for Lobb j. payre 
shewis, price vj.d. : in toto xiiij.s." 154 

Probably livery cloth was furnished to their servants by the 
nobles largely as a matter of pride, and also in self defense. In 
cases where inferior servants and children were quite at a noble- 
man 's "finding," protective measures also worked additional 
expenses. In the Bertie household 6.d. was paid in January of 
1562 "For a payre syssers to poll the boyes of the kychen"! 155 
The tousled head of a kitchen-boy ! What a nursery for ' ' crawl- 
in' ferlies"! No wonder they polled them! 

So far as the food is concerned which servants received from 
their noble masters, it has already been pointed out that the 
chief officers in the households sat at the first table in the Hall, 
and were served with about the same food as the noble master 
and his family enjoyed; many of the humbler servants, of 
course, dined later than their superiors, and had plainer food, 
except in so far as they might share in the provision of the upper 
tables by what was known as the "reversion." That, however, 
brings up the whole question of the dining service, which is in- 
teresting enough for a separate study. 

In conclusion, there is little of the novel or strange, after all, 
in these relationships between the nobles and their servants. 
The aristocratic class appears to have been very human, and 
many in it loved their "household men." Even the 9th Earl of 
Northumberland, whose experiences with his servitors began so 
inauspiciously, wrote long afterward — ' ' And this I must truely 
testify for servants out of experience, that in all my fortunes 
good and badde, I have found them more reasonable than ether 

!53 Howard Household BooTcs (Collier), 518. 

inlaid., 518. 

155 Grimstliorpe House Papers, 469. 



337] THE FAMILY AND THE SERVANTS 63 

wyfe, brothers or friends . . ," 156 — a strong but pathetic 
eulogium! Further, Stow in his annals records Edward, Earl 
of Derby's "joyful parting the World; his taking leave of all 
his servants by shaking of hands; and his Rememberance to the 
last" 157 — than which there could not be a more touching and 
worthy memorial ! 

It was surely this grateful esteem, in part, which called an en- 
tire household also, family and servants, to participate in the 
last offices in honor of a defunct nobleman, a common bond of 
sympathy in suffering drawing all together. A contemporary 
account of "The Solemn funeral of Francis Talbot, Earl of 
Shrewsbury" which took place on October 21st, 1560, describes 
fully "the manner of the proceeding to the church with the 
corps. . ." In the long procession, among many others, were 
the choir, the Gentlemen of the household, all the Chaplains of 
the deceased, the principal officers, the Officers of Arms and all 
the Yeomen of the household. Certain of the Gentlemen and 
officers shared in part of the services too, including the offering, 
and finally, when the body was placed in the tomb, "then the 
officers of the household and the gentlemen ushers, with the 
porter, broke their staves [i.e. their white staves, symbols of 
their offices] and soe departed to the Castle." 158 

The nobles treated their waged hands as many people handle 
their servants to-day, and where a curious practice at first strikes 
us as odd or strange, there is sure to go with it a human nature, 
our very own under the circumstances, which bridges across the 
wide lapse of time, and makes as feel at home in those old days 
in so uncanny a fashion that the somber words of that pessi- 
mistic Scotchman, James Thompson, appal us with their dreary 
truth: 

The cards are shuffled to and fro, 

The hands may very somewhat so ; 

The dirty pack's the same we know, 

Played with long thousand years ago; 

Played with and lost with still by man, 

Fate marked them ere the game began. 
— Fane's Story. 

156 Advice to his son, Archaeologia, XXVII. 

is? Stow, Fol. Edit., 448. 

1 58 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 254 et seq. 



CHAPTER III 
THE FOOD OP THE NOBILITY 

' ' Thingis wilom vsed ben now leyd a syde 
And newe feetis dayly ben contreuide 
Mennys actes can in no plyte abyde 
They be changeable ande ofte meuide 
Thingis somtyme alowed is now repreuid 
And after this shal thinges vp aryse 
That men set now but at lytyl pryse ' ' 

— Caxton : Book of Curtesye — E. E. T. S., p, 45. 

The presumptuous motto, ' ' Tell me what you eat and I '11 tell 
you what you are," boldly trumpeted by certain present day ex- 
ponents of a farinaceous diet would but ill suit as a plummet to 
fathom a Tudor noble's character. Withal, however, it is in- 
structive, if it but awakens fond dreamers on "the good old 
times" to discover by what means our lusty aristocracy, in days 
long gone, kept body and soul together. 

The sixteenth century English were great consumers of food. 
Contemporary foreign comment on the national propensity to 
feed hugely was frequent. Van Meteren, the Antwerp merchant, 
diplomat and historian, resident in England during the entire 
reign of Elizabeth, characterizes the people as". . . eloquent 
and very hospitable; they feed well and delicately, and eat a 
great deal of meat; and as the Germans pass the bounds of 
sobriety* in drinking, these do the same in eating, for which the 
fertility of the country affords them sufficient means, . . . " ' l 
Nicander Nucius, who traveled in England during 1545 and 
1546, recorded in his notebook : l ' The race of men indeed is fair, 
inclining to a light color, . . ." He then goes on to describe 
the English as "flesh eaters, and insatiable of animal food; 
sottish and unrestrained in their appetites; . . ." 2 

1 Van Meteren, History of the Netherlands, cited in Eye, England as 
Seen oy Foreigners, 70. 

2 Travels of Nicander Nucius, 16. Camden Society, London, 1841. 

64 



339] THE FOOD OF THE NOBILITY 65 

In addition to this rather caustic criticism from sojourners in 
their country, a carefully informed native like the historian 
Harrison asserts that the tables of his countrymen were often 
more plentifully laden than those of other nations, and scien- 
tifically apologizes for this worship of King Belly by his fellow 
men in this wise : ' ' The situation of our region, lieng neere 
vnto the north, dooth cause the heate of our stomaches to be of 
somewhat greater force: therefore our bodies doo craue a little 
more ample nourishment, than the inhabitants of hotter regions 
are accustomed withall, whose digestiue force is not altogither so 

There are still other well known comments like the above; the German 
jurist, Paul Hentzner, who traveled in England in 1598, says of the English 
people, "They are more polite in eating than the French, consuming less 
bread but more meat, which they roast to perfection." Paul Hentzner 's 
Travels in England, cited in Eye, op. cit., 110. 

The Dutch physician and ecclesiastic, Levinus Lemnius, traveling in 
England in 1581, writes in a more appreciative vein; speaking first of the 
"incredible curtesie and frendlines in speache and affability used in this 
famous realme, ' ' and delightfully chronicling ' ' the neate cleanlines, the 
exquisite finenesse, the pleasaunte and delightfull furniture in every poynt 
for household, ' ' he then continues : ' ' And this do I thinck to be the cause 
that Englishmen, lyving by such holesome and exquisite meate, and in so 
holesome and healthful ayre be so freshe and cleane coloured: . . . At 
their tables althoughe they be very sumptuous, and love to have good fare, 
yet neyther use they to overcharge themselves with excesse of drincke, 
neyther thereto greatly provoke and urge others, but suffer every man to 
drineke in such measure as best pleaseth hymselfe, whyeh drinck being 
eyther Ale or Beere, most pleasaunte in tast and holesomely relised, they 
fetch not from foreine places, but have it amonge themselves brewed." 
Notes on England, 1560, by Levinus Lemnius, cited in Rye, op. cit., 78-79. 

Finally a Venetian, probably a nobleman, who accompanied an am- 
bassador from the Republic to England about the year 1500, touched this 
point in his report made to the Senate on his return home. "They (the 
English) take great pleasure in having a quantity of excellent victuals, and 
also in remaining a long time at table, being very sparing of wine when 
they drink it at their own expense. . . The deficiency of wine, however, 
is amply supplied by the abundance of ale and beer, to the use of which 
these people are become so habituated, that, at an entertainment where 
there is plenty of wine, they will drink them in preference to it, and in 
great quantities." And once again, "Besides which the English being 
great epicures, and very avaricious by nature, indulge in the most delicate 
fare themselves, and give their household the coarsest bread, and beer, and 
cold meat baked on Sunday for the week, which, however, they allow them 
in great abundance." A Relation, or Rather a True Account of the Island 
of England (etc.), Camden Society, 1847, 21, 25. 



66 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [340 

vehement, bicause their internall heat is not so strong as ours, 
which is kept in by the coldnesse of the aire, that from time to 
time (speciallie in winter) dooth enuiron our bodies." 3 This 
is a na'ive declaration and as true as the latest diatetic ' ' discov- 
ery" vouchsafed to a gullible public through the columns of a 
twentieth century medical journal; it stands, however, as grave 
evidence from a studious observer, of the fact that the English 
were "pamperers of their carcasses" beyond the wont of the rest 
of the world. All of these men were speaking of the English 
people as a whole, but especially do their assertions characterize 
the practices of the nobility in this respect. That class led the 
nation in cherishing a love of good cheer. 

A whimsical dictate of that perfect lady, Clio, has preserved 
for us a curious document of the early 17th century 4 which con- 
tains a veritable treasure trove of information about the man- 
agement of a nobleman's house. One part of it is a detailed 
list of seasonable food available for a lordly establishment, all 
neatly tabulated item by item, under the general caption "a 
Monthlie Table, with a Diatorie belonginge thereunto, of all 
such provisions as bee in seasone through the whole yeare. " 
Commencing with January, and following along with each month 
of the twelve, the so-called "grosse" or staple articles of food 
are first noted for each month; thereafter come tables of the 
"Foules" and "Fische" which "bee no we in seasone" likewise 
for each month, together with a suitable "diatree" for dinner 
and supper, the little treatise concluding with grand or summary 
tables of necessary provisions for the whole year. 

A study of this list leaves one with the impression that the 
eager purveyors to the tables of the English aristocracy went 
over their Christendom with a drag net. There was scarcely a 
living creature which habited the air, the dry land, or the waters 
under the earth, whose right to exist was not sounded by these 
zealous officials. 

Among the winged kind, full sixty-three birds were eaten. Of 
these, in addition to the common barn-yard fowls, were several 
such as quail, pigeons, grouse and partridge, also well known to- 

3 Harrison's Description of England, Holinshed's Chronicles, 1, 278, 
London, 1807. 

* ' ' A Breviate Touching the Order and Government of a Nobleman 's 
House," etc., Archaeologia, XIII, 315 et seq. 



341] THE FOOD OF THE NOBILITY 67 

day, and still highly valued for their delicate flesh. Further, 
many of the water fowls which frequented either the fresh 
streams and lakes or the sea lands, including teals, shovelers, 
stints, godwits, diddapers, bitters (bitterns), aukes, rails, barn- 
acles, puffins, widgeons, terns and others, are likewise yet known 
to some folks as food. On the other hand, a few, like "ken- 
niees," "bayninge," and "blonkett," it is hard, if not impos- 
sible, to identify. Perhaps they are in England extinct birds, 
along with the crane, egret, and brewe, which latter, however, 
are recognizable. 

Bishop Percy, commenting on this sort of food which was 
largely eaten by the Earl of Northumberland's household, says: 
"In the List of Birds here served up to Table, are many Fowls 
which are now (late 18th century) discarded as little better than 
rank Carrion. ' ' 5 We agree by instinct with that learned man, 
our stomachs rebelling at the thought of banquetting on fish-eat- 
ing sea gulls and cranes or the unspeakable bustard species, until 
we read old Mussett's 6 recipes for preparing some of these out- 
landish creatures for food. In able fashion he either puts each 
bird through a refining novitiate, or so subtly be-sauces and be- 
spices him, that before we are aware, our mouths are a-hunger 
after the flesh pots of the earl's kitchen, while in a dyspeptic 
bewilderment we wonder what this culinary magician might have 
done with Lazarus! 

Here follows his procedure with an unseemly trilogy — the 
stork, bitter, and heron — "To render . . . (them) . . . 
fit to be eaten." One is to select the youngest and fattest, and 
after having first removed the skins according to the French 
fashion which makes them relish far better, the flesh is then to be 
well seasoned with much spice, salt, or onion, then thoroughly 
steeped in a draught of old wine, when it is to be stuffed full of 
sweet herbs and drawn with fine and small lard. 7 

The evil bustard, upon whose carrion flesh all of the nobility 
were wont at times to regale themselves, is to that purpose trans- 
formed into "a dainty and wholesome meat" either through diet- 
ing for a day or two on white bread, or preferably, by " . . . 

s Northumberland Household Boole, Notes, 425. 
e A contemporary dietitian. 

? Mussett, Treatise on Food, London, 1655. Quoted in Archaeologla, 
XIII, in notes to the "Breviate. " 



68 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [342 

keeping him altogether fasting, that he may scour away his 
ordure; . . ." when, after bleeding him to death in the neck 
veins, and mellowing him by hanging him for three or four days 
in a cool place, ''out of the moon-shine," he is fit to be baked 
or roasted! The crane, "bred in our English fens," being 
young, killed with a goshawk, hanged two or three days ' ' by the 
heels, ' ' eaten with hot gelentine 8 and ' ' drowned in sack ' ' is per- 
mitted unto indifferent stomachs. 

This is heroic, for Mussett's fellow citizens knew, of course, 
as well as did Bishop Percy, that many of these birds were un- 
clean in their native state; one Lawrens Andrewe, for example, 
wrote of these two very fowls as follows: 

"The Bistarda is a birde as great as an egle, of the maner of 
an egel, and of suche colour, saue in the winges & in the tayle 
it hath some white feders ; he hath a crooked byll, & longe talants. 
and it is slowe of flight & whan he is on the grownde, than must 
he ryse. iij. or iiij. tymes or he can come to any fulle flight, he tak- 
eth his mete on the erth ; for v.or.vi. of them togeder be so bold that 
they festen on a shepe & tere hym a-sonder & so ete the flesshe 
of him & this birde dothe ete also of dede bestes & stinkyn caryon, 
and it eteth also grasse & grene erbes & it layeth his eggis vpon 
the grounde, & bredeth them out the while that the corne groweth 
on the felde." 

"The flesshe of him (i.e., the crane) is grosse, & not good to 
disiest & it maketh malaneolious blode . . . " etc. 9 

Our gastronomic genius, however, with subjective vehemence 
utterly rejects the puffin, yet with an adroit assertion of the 
truth in the old proverb ' ' de gustibus. ' ' He declares that ' ' Puf- 
fins being Birds and no Birds, that is to say Birds in show and 
Fish in substance, or, as one may justly call them, feathered 

s A kind of sauce. "PIKE IN GALENTYNE. Take a pike and seth 
him ynowe in gode sauce; And then couche him in a vessell, that he may be 
y-carried yn, if thou wilt; And what tyme he is colde, take brede, and stepe 
hit in wyne and vinegre, and cast there-to canell, and drawe hit thorgh a 
streynour, And do hit in a potte, And cast there-to to pouder peper; And 
take smale oynons, and myce hem, And fry hem in oyle, and cast there-to 
a fewe saunders, (Sandal) and lete boyle awhile; And cast all this hote 
vppon the pike, and cary him forth. ' ' — Two 15th Century CooTcery-BooTcs, 
101. 

» Quoted by Furnivall in Part 2 of Manners and Meals in Olden Times, 
218-219, from "The noble lyfe and natures of man," by Lawrens Andrewe. 



343] THE POOD OF THE NOBILITY 69 

Fishes, are of ill taste and worse digestion how dainty soever 
they may seem to strange appetites, and are permitted by Popes 
to be eaten in Lent. ' ' 10 

If such a wry face as this, together with these introductory 
"renderings fit to eat" by subsequent drownings in this or that 
scented bath of oblivion, make us eerie of comestible virtues at 
best but doubtful, the outburst of Epicurean enthusiasm which 
such birds as the godwit inspired, leaves little room for sus- 
picion in regard to their acceptance as wholesome food. Mussett, 
who proves a thorough aristocrat, tells us that "a fat godwite 
is so fine and light a meat, that noblemen, (yea and merchants 
too, by your leave) stick not to buy them at four nobles a 
dozen." 11 

In fact, many of these birds which found their way to the 
tables of the nobility were rare delicacies. Harrison, after enu- 
merating a goodly number known in his England, says that there 
were " . . . diuerse other, whose names to me are vtterlie vn- 
knowne, and much more the taste of their flesh, wherewith I was 
neuer acquainted. ' ' 12 

The water creatures of the rivers and deeps were yet more 
generously drawn upon for food by the nobles. The sorts of fish 
eaten, fresh and salt, together with crabs, bivalves, and so on, 
count some seventy-two. Here, again, while we discover many 
well known sea-foods, including herring, mackerel, salmon, stur- 
geon, ling, haberdine, trout, perch, lobsters, sprats, and oysters, 
there are other present-day "zoo" oddities, like seals and por- 
poises, commonly enumerated along with the rest of their am- 
phibious ilk, so that, as in the case of the birds, one is compelled 
to believe that almost anything which might be caught was 
sampled for food. Porpoise was commonly enough eaten, how- 
ever, so that Skelton 's line in his curious piece, ' ' Speke, Parrot, ' ' 

With Porpose and Graundepose may he fede hym fattens 

probably expressed a possible treat within the easy reach of 
many. 

But fads in food were as rife then as to-day. Mussett says of 

10 Op. cit., Archaeologia, XIII. 

ii Op. cit., Archaeologia, XIII. 

12 Harrison, Description of England, Holinshed, 1, 374. 

is Skelton 's Poems, Dyce, 2, 261 et seq. 



70 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [344 

this very sea-hog: "It is an unsavory meat, engendering many 
superfluous humors, augmenting phleagm, and troubling no less 
an indifferent stomach, then they trouble the waters against a 
tempest : yet many ladies and gentlemen love it exceedingly, bakd 
like venison : yea I know a great gentlewoman in "Warwick Lane 
once send for a pasty of it, given from a courtier when the pris- 
oners of Newgate had refused the Fellow of it out of a beggars 
basket. Thus like lips like lettice, and that which is most men's 
bane may be fittest to delight and nourish others. ' ' 14 He dis- 
misses seal's flesh with disdain, as fit only for the stomachs of 
mariners and sailors, who also knew the best way to prepare it. 
With eloquence, though, does he proclaim the crevice (cray-fish) 
"a fine temperate and nourishing meat, which the English do 
foolishly . . . to eat . . ■ . last." 15 

"What a jewel Mussett would have been to pinnacle the greasy 
diadem of a Chicago packer ! But we are duly thankful for that 
beneficent hand which places such men where their providential 
roles are most widely effective. To think of an English earl 
and his lady, dressed as the Tudor nobility alone in that day 
could apparel themselves, trumpeted in magnificent state to a 
board on which a delicate entry of baked crane or bustard would 
appear ! . . . But what if unskilful hands had served up the 
unregenerate carrion off the wing! 

No hard Hebraic Law limited the heavier meats to such as 
came from cud-chewing, hoof-splitting beasts, so that in the 
"grosse provision" as it was called, pig, pork, bacon, and the 
peculiarly English brawn 16 stood cheek by jowl with the more 

14 Mussett, op. oit., Archaeologia, XIII. 

is Mussett, op. cit., Archaeologia, XIII. 

is Harrison, in his Description of England, explains what brawn was in 
the following pleasant narrative: 

' ' Of our tame bores we make brawne, which is a kind of meat not 
vsuallie knowne to strangers (as I take it) otherwise would not the swart 
Eutters and French cookes, at the losse of Calis (where they found great 
store of this prouision in almost euerie house) haue attempted with ridicu- 
lous successe to rost, bake, broile, & frie the same for their masters, till 
they were better informed. I haue heard moreouer, how a noble man of 
England, not long since, did send ouer an hogshead of brawne readie sowsed 
to a catholike gentleman of France, who supposing it to be fish, reserued it 
till Lent, at which time he did eat thereof with verie great frugalitie. 
Thereto he so well liked of the prouision it selfe, that he wrote ouer verie 



345] THE FOOD OF THE NOBILITY 71 

dignified beef, veal, mutton, lamb, hind, roe, doe, goat, and kid 
which laded the tables in abundance. Rabbit or cony, and hare, 
constantly eaten, were, of course, noted. 

The staple grains were wheat, rye and oats. Classed with 
these is the all-important malt. This conspicuous mention of the 
manufactured product perhaps accounts for the neglect of its 
progenitor. Old barley-corn, no puny in these, the hey-days of 
the beer barrel, is not named. 

" Spice," as then understood, was a blanket term, which with 
its generous inclusiveness, would appal even a German house- 
wife of today, at the same time relegating her tin can categories 
to a dusty back shelf. Thus the "necessary spice for the 
kitchen" comprised the following: sugar, nutmegs, pepper, 

earnestlie with offer of great recompense for more of the same fish 
against the yeare insuing: whereas if he had knowne it to haue been flesh, 
he would not haue touched it (I dare saie) for a thousand crownes without 
the popes dispensation. A freend of mine also dwelling sometime in 
Spaine, hauing certaine Iewes at his table, did set brawne before them, 
whereof they did eat verie earnestlie, supposing it to be a kind of fish not 
common in those parties: but when the goodman of the house brought in the 
head in pastime among them, to shew what they had eaten, they rose from 
the table, hied them home in hast, ech of them procuring himself e to vomit, 
some by oile, and some by other meanes, till (as they supposed) they had 
clensed their stomachs of that prohibited food. With vs it is accounted a 
great peece of seruice at the table, from Nouember vntill Februarie be 
ended; but cheeflie in the Christmasse time. With the same we also begin 
our dinners ech daie after other: and because it is somewhat hard of diges- 
tion, a draught of maluesie, bastard, or muscalell, is vsuallie droonke after 
it, where either of them are conuenientlie to be had: . . . It is made 
commonlie of the fore part of a tame bore, set vp for the purpose by the 
space of a whole yere or two, especiallie in gentlemen's houses ... in 
which time he is dieted with otes and peason, and lodged on the bare planks 
of an vneasie coat (pen) till his fat he hardened sufiicientlie for their pur- 
pose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and cut out, and then of his former 
parts is our brawne made, . . . The necke peeces being cut off round, 
are called collars of brawne . . . ech peece is wrapped vp, either with 
bulrushes, ozier peeles, tape, inkle, or such like, and then sodden in a lead 
or caldron togither, till they be so tender that a man may thrust a brused 
rush or soft straw cleane through the fat: which being doone, they take it 
vp, and laie it abroad to coole: afterward putting it into close vessels, they 
powre either good small ale or beere mingled with veriuice and salt thereto 
till it be couered, and so let it lie (now and then altering and changing the 
sowsing drinke lest it should wax sowre) till occasion serue to spend it out 
of the waie. " — Harrison, op. cit., Holinshed, I, 373-374. 



72 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [346 

prunes, dates, cinnamon, saffron, 17 raisins, isinglass, 18 ginger, 
maee, "saunders, " 19 currants and " turnsaile. " 20 Salt and 
hops are classed separately along with starch and soap. 

In addition to beer and ale, claret, white, Rhenish, sack and 
muscadel wines offered quite a variety in beverages. The vari- 
ety was really far greater here than it would at first appear, too, 
since Harrison asserts that "Claret, "White, Red, French, (wines) 
. . . amount to about fifty-six sorts, according to the number 
of regions whence they come." In addition to these which were 
certainly the commonest wines in use, Harrison also mentions 
"thirtie kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, etc.," 
drunk by the English, and specifically notes of these "Veruage, 
Cate pument, Raspis, Muscadell, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, 
Caprike, Clareie, and Malmeseie, " as "not least of allaccompted 
of, bicause of their strength and valure. ' ' 21 

Thus far we have a generous, but one-sided larder. It is 
rounded out, however, by green truck items, and fruits of cur- 
rent value, jotted down together with such an odd assortment of 
delectables running the veriest gormand's gamut, that as one 
contemplates the list, he is utterly at a loss to determine the prob- 
able norm in the mind of the unknown compiler. The tabula- 
tion as it stands were fit stock for a yet more juicy "Disserta- 
tion" by the hand of our gentlest humorist! Its sober, matter- 
of-course label alone tells quite a story — "A generall table of 
necessarie provisions for the whole yeare. ' ' 

Most of the vegetables then used, like radishes, cauliflower, 
potatoes, cabbage, cucumbers, lettuce, carrots, spinach, and arti- 
chokes, are found in all well ordered gardens of today. Beans 
and peas, though commonly known, were not noted. The 
"skerett," however, which Harrison also writes about, a carrot- 
like root, is no longer cultivated in England, 22 while "navews," 
a variety of turnip, are at present raised for sheep feed and 

i? The Crocus Sativus, much used in cookery and as medicine, 
is Gelatine, called isinglass from its mica-like appearance. 

19 ' ' This fragrant wood, brought from the East Indies, was principally 
used for colouring the confections red. . . " Bishop Percy 's note in 
Northumberland Household Boole, 415. 

20 Another herb, used for coloring confections and jellies. 
2i Harrison, Description of England, Holinshed, 1, 281. 
22 Ibid., Camelot Series, 25, note by E. C. A. Prior. 



347] THE POOD OF THE NOBILITY 73 

Colza oil. 23 Purslane, the Portulaca Domestica, according to 
Gerrard's Herbal (p. 521, ed. 1633), was then esteemed, as well 
for its medicinal properties, as for its edible virtues. Either 
raw or boiled it was made into a salad. Cress was also, as it is 
still, used in the same way. 

The fruits named were few. Pears, distinguished from war- 
dens, a large baking variety, apples, oranges, lemons and melons 
being listed. Many more were known. Harrison speaks of 
peaches and apricots, while with a firm conviction in the fitness 
of God's handiwork, he tells about the annual fruits, strange 
herbs, and plants ". . . dailie brought vnto vs from the In- 
dies, Americans, Taprobane, Canarie lies, and all parts of the 
world: the which albeit that in respect of the constitutions of 
our bodies they doo not grow for vs, bicause that God hath be- 
stowed sufficient commodities vpon euerie countrie for hir owne 
necessitie; yet for delectation sake vnto the eie, and their odor- 
iferous sauours vnto the nose, they are to be cherished, and 
God to be glorified also in them, bicause they are his good gifts, 
and created to doo man helpe and seruice. " 2i 

In addition to the vegetables, fruits, and the products of the 
dairy along with eggs, many highly flavored articles of food were 
eaten. Vinegar and verjuice, a tart liquor used like vinegar, 
made from crushed crab apples; eringoes, the candied root of 
another plant found on the sea shore; olives, citron, caviar, an- 
chovies, capers and barberries being the most important. With 
these also, samphire is mentioned, a plant whose young leaves were 
pickled. Gerard describes several varieties of this samphire, one 
of which grew in the rocky cliffs at Dover and in other like places 
along the sea shore. Shakespeare had probably watched the dar- 
ing purveyors of this delicacy at work, and the experience en- 
abled him to picture vividly that sad scene in Lear where Edgar 
is leading his blinded father Gloster, as the latter supposes, to 
the brink of those very Dover cliffs that he may throw himself 
off. The young man carrying out his feint, says to his father: 

Come on, sir; here's the place: — • stand still. — How fearful 
And dizzy 'tis to cast one's eye so low! 

23 Harrison, Description of England, Camelot Edition, 26, note by E. C. 
A. Prior. 

24 Harrison, op. cit., Holinshed, 1, 351. 



74 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [348 

The crows and Coughs that wing the midway air 
Show scarce so gross as beetles: half way down 
Hangs one that gathers samphire, — dreadful trade! 
Methinka he seems no bigger than his head: 

Herbs were set down simply as herbs. It is well they were, for 
Harrison informs us that in his time some three or four hun- 
dred were in use; in fact he says that he himself had seen that 
many in a single garden, perhaps a half of which number had 
been known not a generation, while so lively was the interest in 
these annuals because of their medicinal value, this great list was 
growing steadily. 25 

Finally various meat products were relished. Sausages, "an- 
dulees," which are baldly described by a contemporary as pud- 
dings made of hog's guts filled with spice, one gut drawn after 
another, 26 calf's mugget, like the former, except that it was the 
veal's entrails made into a pie, neat's tongue in three states — 
"green," dried, and soused, the heads and plucks of calves, 
lambs, and kids, and soused tripe — these are capital examples. 

From such a rich store what dainty menus must have been 
fashioned under the expert supervision of groups of those 
"musical headed" French cooks Harrison tells about! It is to 
be observed, however, that while this food was in general char- 
acteristic of the stock provision widely consumed by the nobility, 
this list was constructed, as we have remarked before, in the early 
17th century. The 5th Earl of Northumberland, living nearly 
one hundred years before that time, could not, therefore, have 
had potatoes on his bill of fare, whereas the 9th Earl of the 
same house may well have relished that later staple tuber — so 
wide awake were the purveyors. 

Further, the French fads in cookery so rife in Harrison's day, 
seemed, at a later date, to Braith wait's Puritanic sense the de- 
generate mark of a wanton departure from the hardy simplicity 
of the sturdy English in an earlier and less sophisticated age. 
His querulous diatribe, if long, is instructive. "In ancient 
time," says he, vaguely enough, "noble men contented themselves 
to be served with such as had bene bred in ther owne houses ; but 
of later times, none could please some, except Italians and 
Frenchmen, or, at the least, brought up in the court, or vnder 

25 Harrison, op. cit., Holinshed, I, 351. 

26 Archaeologia, XIII, 388. 



349] THE FOOD OF THE NOBILITY 75 

London cookes : nor would the old manner of baking, boyling, 
or roasting please them, but the boyled meates must be after the 
French fashion, the dishes garnished about with sugar, and pre- 
served plummes, the meates covered over with Orangade, pre- 
served Lemons, and with divers other preserved and conserved 
stuffe fetched from the Conf ectionaries ; more honie and sugar 
spent in boyling fish to serve at one meale, than might well serve 
the whole expence for the house in a day. The baked meates 
must be set out with armes and crestes, flourished and gilded, 
more fitt for monuments in churches, wher they might have con- 
tinuance, than to be set vpon tables wher they are little sooner 
seene then consumed. The roast meates, without their sundry 
kindes of new devised sawces little esteemed of, they must have 
most kindes, not onely of flesh, but also of fish colde and sowced ; 
all of theese being more delightful to the sight and pleasing to 
the tast, then needefull or holesome to the stomacke and body. 
And I doe truly affirme, that I have scene all the kinds of meates 
here set downe served most abundantly, and yet some of the 
guestes could not be satisfied therwith, but ther must presently 
be provided for them Sowes cheekes, Salt tongues, pickled and 
redd hearings, Spratts, Anchoves, Bolonia Sausages, Potato 
rootes, and sundry other such kinde of meates; all to provoke 
them to drinke store of strong wines, thereby to procure lust, 
and decay naturall strength. . . ' ' 27 

The cantankerous Stubbes, too, set out to fall athwart English 
shortcomings in general, naturally digresses on this gluttony — 
' ' Godly hospitalitie, ' ' says he, " is a thing in no wise worthy of 
reprehension, but rather of great commendation ; for many haue 
receiued Angels into their houses, at vnawares, by vsing the same, 
as Abraham, Lot, Tobias, & many others. Yet if hospitality 
flow ouer into superfluitie and riotous excesse, it is not tolerable : 
for now adaies, if the table be not couered from one end to the 
other, as thick as one dish can stand by another, with delicat 
meats of sundry sorts; one cleane different from an other, and 
to euery dish a seuerall sawce appropriat to his kinde, it is 
thought there unworthye the name of a dinner. Yea, so many 
dishes shal you haue pesteruing the table at once, as the insci- 
ablest Helluo, the deurouringest glutton, or the grediest cor- 
morant that is, can scarce eat of euery one a litle. And these 

27 Brathwait, Household of an Earle, 31-32. 



76 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [350 

many shall you haue at the first course ; as mauy at the second ; 
and, peraduenture, moe at the third; besydes other sweet con- 
dyments, and delicat confections of spiceries, and I cannot, tell 
what. And to these dainties, all kind of wynes are not wanting 
you may be sure. ' ' 28 

With this we conclude, and if we have had vainly to long for 
an hour's use of the magic pen of Dickens or Gissing, at least we 
have had the pale satisfaction of noting a short vision of our own 
philosopher-poet. When Thoreau declared that many a man 
should rather have described for us his dinner who imposes on 
us with a history of the Grand Khan, he surely saw not beyond 
the tiny confines of one of his own bean skins — or was this 
ascetic sarcasm a joke ! 



28 Anatomy of Abuses, New Shakespeare Society, Part I, 102-103. 



CHAPTER IV 
SUPPLY PURVEYANCE IN THE HANDS OF NOBLEMEN 

Thus having attained a regall Dignity to commaunde all, which continued 
as aforesaid, where no other Captains authority endured but one year: he 
ever kept himself upright from bribes and money, though otherwise he was 
no ill husband, and could warily looke to his own. As for his Lands and 
Goods left him by his Parents, that they miscarried not by negligence, nor 
that they should trouble him much, in busying himself to reduce them to a 
value; he did so husband them, as he thought was his best and easiest way. 
For he sold in gross ever the whole years profit and commodity of his lands, 
and afterward sent to the market dayly to buy the cates, and other ordinary 
provision of houshould. This dyd not like his Sones that were men grown, 
neither were his women contented with it, who would have had him more 
liberal in his house; for they complained of his overhard and straight 
ordinary, because in so noble and great an house as his, there was never 
an/ great remain left of meat, but all things received into the house, ran 
under account, and were delivered out by proportion. All this good hus- 
bandry of his was kept upright in this good order, by one Evangelus, 
Steward of his house, a man very honest and skilfull in all his household 
provision; and whether Pericles had brought him up to it, or that he had 
it by nature, it was not known. 1 

— Plutarch's Pericles (North's Translation). 

During the week of 1587 ending July 10th, the great house- 
hold of Henry, Earl of Derby, consumed the following food : two 
hundred and forty bushels of wheat, twenty-one hogsheads of 
beer, two oxen, fourteen veal calves, seventeen sheep, seven 
lambs, three ling and twenty haberdine. Fresh fish cost 18s, 
while £8 : 4s : 8d was spent for special food including butter and 
cheese. 2 

Selected at random, this provision was in amount somewhat 
above the average weekly expenditure of food, which from July 

1 1 have prefaced this chapter with the quotation from North 's famous 
translation of Plutarch because it is in the perfect spirit and phrase of con- 
temporary household accounts. 

2 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 30. 

77 



78 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [352 

to December of 1586 approximated one hundred and twelve 
bushels of wheat, eight and three-quarter hogsheads of beer, 
three-quarters of an ox or cow, nine muttons, and so on propor- 
tionally, per week. 3 Such were the characteristic quantities of 
bulk food-stuffs commonly used by a typical noble household. 4 

An expenditure similar to this guaranteed the cheerful hos- 
pitality always freely extended by the nobility to guests, were 
such visitors friends or strangers. The entertainment of a not- 
able individual, however, or preeminently of the sovereign, en- 
tailed a prodigal outlay of food. In 1577 the Right Honorable 
Lord North entertained his Sovereign Lady, Queen Elizabeth, at 
Kirtling. Her Majesty arrived on Monday, September the 1st, 
in time for supper, and remained until after dinner on Wednes- 
day of the same week. Judging by the good cheer dispensed, it 
was fortunate for the generous peer that his mighty visitor did 
not remain longer beneath his roof, or a miracle alone must have 
preserved him from famine. During those memorable two days 
twelve hundred cast of manchets and thirty-six hundred cast of 
cheat-bread, made at Kirtling, together with twenty-three dozen 
loaves of white and cheat-bread bought up, 5 were eaten, while it 
required seventy-four hogsheads of beer, two tuns of ale, six 
hogsheads of claret wine, one of white wine, one rundlet or 
twenty gallons of sack and six gallons of Hippocras to slaken 
the thirst of Royalty. Twelve steers and oxen, sixty-seven sheep, 
seven lambs, eighteen veal calves and thirty-four pigs were 
slaughtered, while the meat of four stags and sixteen bucks, 
baked up into two hundred and seventy-six pasties, which fur- 
ther required three pounds worth of wheat and rye flour — eight 
gammons of bacon, and two hundred and twenty neat's tongues, 
feet and udders, supplied the more delicate flesh fare. 

For these festivities feathered creation suffered an appalling 
depletion: thirty-two geese, three hundred and sixty-three ca- 
pons, ninety-nine and one-half dozen chickens, two hundred and 
seventeen dozen pigeons, twenty-seven dozen quail, six turkeys, 
thirty-two swans, two hundred and seventy-three mallards and 

s Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 13-18. 
4 Royal Household Ordinances, 101-105, e.g. 

s Halliwell, Diet, of Archaic Words, "Caste piece" — several pieces (or 
loaves) joined into one. 



353] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 79 

young ducks, one crane, twenty-eight heronsews, one hundred 
and ten bittern, twelve shovelers, one hundred and six pewits, 
sixty-eight godwits, eighteen gulls, ninety-nine dotterels, eight 
snipe, twenty-one knots, thirty-eight plover, five stints, eighteen 
redshanks, two tern, twenty-two partridge, one pheasant, and two 
curlews were eaten. "What a screaming, quacking uproar were 
possible from such a contingent of terrified fowls ! Some one put 
up with it too, for part of this winged biped menagerie arrived 
alive at Kirtling, and his lordship paid full 20s for "keping off 
wylde foule. " 

A goodly store of sea-food gave variety and zest to the menus. 
Three kegs of sturgeon, eight dozen cray-fish, one cart load and 
two horse loads of oysters, a barrel of anchovies, two pike, two 
carp, four tench, twelve perch, and three hundred red herrings 
were made away with. 

In addition to all this, four hundred and thirty pounds of 
butter, thirteen pounds of lard, two thousand five hundred and 
twenty-two eggs, one hogshead of vinegar, six Holland cheeses 
and ten marchpanes were dispensed, while thirty-nine pounds, 
twenty-one pence was spent to furnish sufficient ' ' Grocerie ware, 
banketting stuff, salletts, rootes, and hearbes. ' ' 9 

Where did all this fare, as well for ordinary use as for great 
feasts, come from? Purveyance and care of food was a vital 
part of the routine business connected with the proper running 
of a household. The whole question of supplies was that man- 
agement problem which, more than any other, occupied the time 
and thought of the noble master himself, and was responsible for 
the existence of many of his servants. 



Provision, largely according to the nature of the food and the 
manner in which it was bought up, consisted of what was called 
the "gross emptions" or the "food of store," and the "fresh 
acates"; or simply "cates" — supplies, usually perishable, pur- 
chased for immediate use daily, or weekly, by a special servant, 
called from his duties the achator or cator. 

Naturally the staple portions of the daily rations were sup- 
plied from the store food. This was garnered up as occasion of- 

9 Extracts from Lord North's Household Book, Archaeologia, XIX, 287 
et seq. 



80 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [354 

fered, in bulk, the estimated quantities of the various sorts re- 
quired by a household being nicely determined for the season or 
for the entire year in advance. Thus at Michaelmas in 1512, 
the officials charged with the year's management of the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland's house were ordered to lay up these stores 
to last until the following Michaelmas: sixteen thousand nine 
hundred and thirty-two bushels of wheat, one thousand six hun- 
dred and seventy-six bushels of malt — and as the earl's brewer 
made twelve hogsheads of beer from six quarters of malt, if this 
liquor seed were all expended in the manufacture of that bever- 
age, twenty-seven thousand five hundred and ninety-four gallons, 
in round numbers, were the year's beer prospect — an average 
of five hundred and fifty-two quarts during the twelvemonth, 
for each man, woman and child in the household, many of whom 
must have gone exceeding dry on less than one and one-half 
quarts apiece per diem. 

In addition to the beer provision, however, ten tuns and six 
hogsheads (1646 gallons) represented the year's store of Gascon 
wine, which, more particularly specified, included three tuns of 
red, five of claret, and two tuns two hogsheads of white wine. 

One hundred and twenty-four beeves, six hundred and sixty- 
seven muttons, twenty-five hogs, twenty-eight calves and sixty 
lambs were to be provided for slaughter; while the supply of 
cured fish consisted of one hundred and forty-four stock fish, 
nine hundred and forty-two salt fish, ten cades 10 of red, and nine 
barrels of white herring, five cades of sprats, two thousand eighty 
salt salmon, three ferkins of salt sturgeon and five kegs of salt 
eels. 

One and one-half barrels of oil for frying fish, together with 
the same amount of honey, much of which was used for fish 
dressing, was deemed sufficient. "All manner of Spices" meant 
for that year, fifty pounds of pepper, one thousand forty score 
pounds of currants or ' ' raisins of Corinth, ' ' as they were called, 
one hundred thirty-one and a half pounds of prunes, twenty and 
one-half pounds of ginger, six pounds of mace, three and one- 
half pounds of cloves, one hundred and four score pounds of 
sugar, seventeen pounds of cinnamon, one hundred and thirty- 
two pounds of almonds, thirty pounds of dates, seven pounds of 

io A cade is a barrel of 500 herrings, or 1,000 sprats. 



355] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 81 

' ' granes, ' ' " ten and one-half pounds of turnsole, ten pounds of 
sanders, three pounds of anise powder, nineteen pounds of rice, 
nineteen and one-half pounds of comfits, 12 a quarter of a pound 
of Gallinga, 13 two pounds of blanch powder, three pounds of 
saffron, and finally, with all this ' ' spice ' ' though not of it, might 
be placed the four coppets 14 each of figs and great raisins pur- 
chased. One hundred and sixty gallons of mustard were to be 
manufactured in the scullery, provision also being made for 
ninety gallons of verjuice, and forty gallons of vinegar. The 
latter, if possible, was to be evolved from the wine lags or lees. 
It was thought that six and one-half quarters of white and ten 
of bay salt would suffice for a year. 

It was widely customary among the nobles to estimate along 
with the food supplies for a twelvemonth, the year's stock of 
fuel, illuminating materials, necessary linen cloth, dishes, and 
various other commodities. Thus in 1512, twenty chawder 15 of 
sea-coal and twenty quarters of charcoal were ordered for North- 
umberland. The latter fuel was for burning at Christmas time, 
when the arras was all hung, ..for as the smoke of the sea-coal 
ruined the hangings, its use had to be quit — a good commentary 
on the heating arrangements of the day! Fagots were used in 
baking and brewing, three thousand four hundred and sixty 
bundles being required for such operations during the year; 
while we are quaintly informed that sixty-four loads of great 
wood was necessary, "bicause colys will not byrne withowte 
wodd," which precept sounds as though it were founded on ex- 

n " 'Granes' are probably what are now called 'Granes of Paradise,' 
small pungent seeds brought from the East Indies, much resembling Oarda- 
mum seeds in appearance, but in properties approaching nearer to Pep- 
per." — Bishop Percy's note in Northumberland Household Boole, 414-415. 
The Bishop quotes Lewis's Materia Medica, p. 298. 

12 A comfit, according to Johnson, is "A dry sweetmeat; any kind of 
fruit or root preserved with sugar and dried." 

is" 'Gallinga,' Lat. Galanga, is the root of a grassy -leaved plant 
brought from the East Indies, of an aromatic smell, and hot biting bitterish 
Taste, anciently used among other Spices. . ." — Northumberland House- 
hold Boole, 415. 

i4 Coppet: perhaps for "topnett, " diminutive for "tope," a tub or 
cask? Vide Hoivard Household BooTcs, Surtees Soc, 45, note. 

is" Chawder" — caldron, a coal measure of four quarters or thirty-two 
bushels. 



82 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [356 

asperating experience! Furthermore it was "ordained" that 
thirty sacks of charcoal be especially provided for distilling vari- 
ous waters for the earl. As each sack held four bushels of coals, 
this was a large quantity of fuel to be thus expended. Its con- 
sumption, however, made possible a lusty pharmacopoeia to de- 
light any Galenite, but which compels us to write down the earl 
a veritable English "Argan"! ". . . the Namys of the said 
Waters that his Lordeshipe is accustomyd to caus to be stillid 
yerly Hereaf tur Followith Viz : Water of Roses — Water for the 
Stone — Water of 'Buradge' — Water of Feminytory (Fumi- 
tory) — Water of Braks (ferns) — Water of Colymbyns (Col- 
umbine) — Water of Okynleefe (Oak Leaf) — Water of Harts 
Tonge — Water of Draggons — Water of Parcelly (Parsley) — 
Water of Balme — Water of Walnot Leeffs (leaves) — Water of 
Lang do beeff (Lang Du Boeuf) — Water of Prymeroses (Prim- 
roses) — Water of Saige (Sage) — Water of Sorrel — Water of 
Red mynt (Mint) — Water of Betany (Betonica) — Water of 
Cowslops — Water of Tandelyon — Water of Fennell — Water 
of Scabios (Scabious) — Water of Elder Flours — Water of 
Marygolds — Water of Wilde Tansey — Water of Wormwode — 
Water of Woodbind — Water of Endyff (Endive) and Water of 
Hawsse (Haws). And to be allowed for filling of every Bottell 
of Water of a Pottell a pece on with another j Bushell of cher- 
coill After iiij Bushell in the Sek And after ij Suaks to a Quar- 
ter And after j Quarter for stilling of every viij Bottells with 
Water." 16 

Light was highly esteemed by the earl if we can judge from 
the illuminating power lying hid in the four thousand eighty- 
seven and one-half pounds of wax, requiring fifty-one pounds of 
wick for its manufacture into sizes, 17 prickets, ls quarions, 19 and 
torches, and the ninety-one dozen and two pounds of Paris 
candles which were to be made from tallow provided by the 
house. The torches had rosin also in their composition, twenty- 
nine pounds of which was ordered. 

That year it was decided that seventy ells of linen cloth one 

16 Northumberland Household Boole, 384-385. 

i7 ) is ? 19 AH candles. A "pricket" was a candle stand from which the 
name went to the sort of light used with it. A "quarion" was a square 
lump of wax with a wick in the middle, later known at a " mortice. ' ' — 
Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 219. 



357] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE S3 

yard wide would suffice for all the uses to which such material 
was put. From this amount were to be fashioned eight board 
cloths for the Hall, one for the Knight's board in the Great 
Chamber, a ewery cloth and two towels for the ewery for the 
earl to wash with at meal times, four towels for Carvers and 
Sewers, eighteen napkins one yard long and half a yard broad, 
two bearing towels for the pantry, eight pantry towels for liv- 
eries, a port-pane, also for the pantry, and two dresser cloths for 
the kitchen. 

The estimate for dishes included an order for hiring what was 
called "rough vessel," whereby forty shillings was set aside for 
renting one hundred dozen of such utensils, at the rate of four 
pence a dozen. Three special occasions necessitated this recruit- 
ment of the home stock: Christmas, Easter and Whitsunday, at 
which seasons the house did elaborate entertaining. In addition, 
however, two new brass pots were to be purchased outright, as 
were two garnishes 20 of counterfeit vessel, the order for the 
latter being placed at six shillings eight pence the dozen. Stone 
cruses must have been more fragile than the material would 
imply since twenty dozen were to be supplied in two lots, the 
first to serve from Michaelmas to Easter, and the second from 
then on to Michaelmas again. These were at the moderate cost 
of ten shillings for the lot. So much for the major part of the 
year's supplies of the 5th Earl of Northumberland. 21 

There is a striking similarity between this provision and the 
bulk stock upon which the Earl of Rutland relied one full cen- 
tury later. Of meat — seventy beeves, four hundred muttons, 
forty lambs and thirty hogs, slaughtered for bacon, pork and 
brawn, together with one thousand two hundred couple of rab- 
bits served to keep Belvoir from vegetarian's diet for a twelve- 
month. 

The store fish supply for the same period included four hun- 
dred new ling, six hundred haberdine, three barrels of white 
herring, three cades of red herring, three kegs of salt eel, six 
salt salmon, and two kegs of sturgeon. The numerical contents 
of the kegged stuff presents an old-fashioned arithmetical prob- 

2 o Harrison describes a "garnish" as consisting of twelve platters, 
twelve dishes, and twelve saucers. — Description of England, Holinshed, 
1, 399. 

2i Northumberland Household Boole, 3-27. 



84 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [358 

lem of no little interest. Each of the barrels ' ' ought to conteyn 
xc (1100) white herrings vi xx (120) to the c (100) "! The fresh 
fish most commonly eaten were pikes, carp, tench and bream, but 
as the earl's ponds yielded his supply, the numbers used were 
not given, though they were surely known. 

Claret was the largest wine item of the liquid store, there be- 
ing laid up each year four and one-half tuns of that liquor. The 
earl had his bill of impost which permitted him to secure eight 
tuns a year at forty shillings a tun; this cost was further in- 
creased however, by the payment of twenty shillings to the Lord 
Treasurer's man (his clerk?) for the gift of the bill, while the 
farmer of the tax received two shillings, and his clerk twelve 
pence on each tun. In addition to this claret, two butts (108- 
126 gal.) and one randlet (c. 15 gal.) each of Muscadien and 
Rhenish wine were bought. 

Three hogsheads of vinegar and four of verjuice was the an- 
nual quota of wet spice, while the usual two kinds of salt, one 
quarter of the bay, and five quarters of the white was the year's 
measure. 

One hundred and twenty quarters of wheat, four quarters of 
rye, one thousand quarters of oats, forty quarters of pease, and 
thirty-five quarters of barley — such was the cereal order ; the 
largest part of both the oats and pease to be used, probably, for 
horse feed. Four hundred pounds of hops would make three 
hundred forty-two and three-tenths hogsheads of beer under the 
brewer's rule at Bel voir, provided it were all used for beer, but 
this quantity of blossoms with the one hundred and sixty quarters 
of malt laid up, sufficed also for the ale and march-beer brew. 

The earl had his large spice order consisting of eight sugar 
loaves, one hundred and sixty pounds of powdered sugar, sev- 
enty pounds of "raysons soil," or raisins of the sun, one hun- 
dred pounds of Alicant raisins, seventy pounds of currants, 
fifty pounds of prunes, eight pounds of dates, four pounds each 
of cloves, nutmegs and mace, six pounds of ginger, sixty pounds 
of pepper, twenty pounds of rice, ten pounds each of blue figs 
and almonds, forty pounds of barreled figs, four and one-half 
gallons of olives, four pounds of capers, four barrels of samphire, 
four barrels of gerkins, four gallons of oil, and finally, sixteen 
bushels of mustard seed, which were annually ground up for 
this favorite spice. 



359] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 85 

The fuel required each year at Belvoir was pit and charcoal, 
two hundred loads of the first and twenty loads of the latter. 
Three cords of wood were consumed in the manufacture of one 
load of the charcoal. It was burned in enormous pits which 
would hold from fifteen to thirty cords of wood at a time. The 
finished product fetched twelve shillings a load at the "forge," 
while the cost of making, including felling of the trees, cording 
the wood and coaling the pit, was six shillings a load; in addi- 
tion, two shillings six pence was charged to put up a load for 
hauling. The loads of pit coal were not large ; as the earl stated 
his order — ' ' xiij corke f ulles is a rooke, and nine corkfulles is 
three quarters and an ordinary loade, ... A rooke of colles 
ought to bee ij yeardes high and a yeard and quarter square by 
measure." If this measure were adhered to in bringing home 
the coal, each load would contain about one and one-fifth cubic 
yards of coal, or if they loaded, as they probably did, one and 
three-quarters loads to a single drawing, they then would each 
time cart about two and one-sixth cubic yards of coal. One and 
three-quarters loads of this fuel cost two shillings eight pence at 
the pits. With the fuel which served in part for light, the earl 
needed one thousand dozen tallow candles, and three dozen 
torches for illumination in the course of a year. 

In addition to these food supplies, the Earl of Rutland, like 
the 5th Earl of Northumberland, bought up various other pro- 
visions. Thus seven firkins of soap, sixty pounds to the firkin, 
were bought annually. This amount could not have gone very 
far, especially if it were used for both toilet and laundry pur- 
poses. Seventy-four pounds of starch — a high fallutin sophis- 
tication unknown in the 5th earl's day — would cook up into a 
goodly quantity of "devil's liquor," but that much was used in 
getting up the household ruffs and wrist-bands. Finally the 
earl had his figure for iron, steel, drinking glasses, window glass, 
lead, brass and copper, slate, mats for the chambers, pitch and 
tar, shovels, corn sacks, brooms, ash trees (probably young sap- 
lings for hop vines) , well-rope, 22 and so on, and while Northum- 

22 Household books of the Earls of Rutland, MSS. of the Duke of Rut- 
land, 4, 480-486. Vide Ordinances for the Household of George Duke of 
Clarence, in Royal Household Ordinances, 101 et seq., for similar provision 
thus brought up. 



86 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOE NOBLEMAN [360 

berland did not list like purchases, the only item, outside of the 
starch, which he probably could not have had was the glass. 

It was possible to do this extended ordering thus in advance, 
at a great saving of time and money, by means of an elaborate 
book-keeping, which recorded accurately all the provision 
brought in and used, as well as the amounts of all supplies left 
at the end of each day, week, and year. By studying several of 
these accounts, and drawing an average, it was relatively as easy 
to estimate with a margin just what quantities of store material 
must be ordered, as it is for a good housewife of the present time 
to tell how much fruit she must preserve, or how many bushels 
of potatoes to secure for the winter. 

It was earlier noted that various people in a household were 
responsible as well for the purveyance of this stock, as for prop- 
erly looking after it when it was got home. Especially impor- 
tant, however, was the commissarial role zealously played by 
the noble master of an establishment. 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland himself, acting with his do- 
mestic council, decided upon all the yearly provision to be laid 
up in 1512 for his establishment, as well as what his cator ' • par- 
cels" should be. He approximated the prices of all the supplies, 
stated when, and in what amounts the money to be thus expend- 
ed should be transferred to the officials "standing charged" 
with his house, and from which of his various estates such sums 
were to be due. He likewise indicated where much of the pro- 
vision was, or was not, to be procured. 

The following provision for weekly observance in his house- 
hold was ordained: "ITEM that the saide Clarkes of the 
Kechynge shall affore they maik any Barganne for Provision 
of any maner of gross Empcion for kepinge of my Loordes Hous 
that they maik my Loorde privey theretoo affore the Barganne 
be concluded to th' entent that they may knowe whether his 
Loordship will agre to the said prices or not if my saide Loorde 
be at home ande if his Loordeship be absennt thanne to maik 
suche of his Lordeship Counsaill or Servaunts that my said 
Loorde leefs in trust too see which he haithe apointed prevey to 
the said Empcion affore the Barganne be concluded to th' ententt 
that they may see whether they have maide there Bargans in 
dewf ull tyme or nott. ' ' 23 

23 Northumberland Household Boole, 116. 



361] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 87 

Laboring carefully Math his assistants for some time before 
Michaelmas of 1512 — the date which began the household year, 
together they fashioned the specific lists already presented in de- 
tail, prefacing the systematic results of their efforts with a 
courtly praelusio stately enough to herald the birth of a prince : 

"THIS IS THE ASSIGNMENTS made by me and my Coun- 
saill at Wresill to Richard Gowge Countroller of my house and 
Thomas Percy Clark of the Kechyng of my said house stondynge 
chared with my said house Which ys for the hole expensys and 
kepynge of my said house for one hole Yere begynnynge on Mon- 
day the xxx th day of September which was Michaelmas day last 
past in the thyrd Yere of my Soveraigne Lorde Kynge Henry 
the viij th and endynge at Michaelmas next cumynge which shal 
be by the grace of God in the iiij th yere of my said Soveraigne 
Lorde as the names of the Parcells that they shall have payd by 
th' hands of my Cofferers for the tyme beynge "With the names 
of the Sommes that they shall pay hereafter folowyth in the 
Booke." 24 

Only to supervise the securing of supplies was not sufficient, 
however. The thrifty expenditure of his store also engaged the 
earl's earnest attention. He and his council determined for the 
entire year, and carefully stated, the breakfast, dinner, and sup- 
per menus for all eating in the house; this included the special 
provision which religious observance demanded for Lent with its 
weekly ' ' scambling days, " 25 in addition to Rogation-day fare, 
the extra dishes for principal feasts, and the livery allowances 
as well of food as of lights and fuel. In fact, in regard to the 
latter item, the earl was particularly solicitous, especially when 
he could not personally direct the spending of his store. 

From Hallowmas (November 1st) until Shrovetide (the period 
between Quinquagessima Sunday — the last Sunday in Lent, 
and Ash Wednesday) the household did not reside either at the 
Manor of Leckinfield or at the New Lodge in the park there. 
Certain servants were left in charge of those residences, how- 
ever, and to control the heating supplies thought necessary for 
this three month interim, a descriptive bill was drawn up under 

24 Ibid., 1-38. 

25 ' ' Scambling Days were Days when no regular Meats were provided, 
but everyone scrambled and shifted for himself. . . " — Bishop Percy 's 
note in Northumberland Household Book, 416-417. 



88 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [362 

Northumberland's direction, and signed by him, which for re- 
dundant intricacy could be excelled only by a verbose Royal 
Proclamation. The title alone is a teeming five-wheeled master- 
piece : 

"THYS YS THE BILL OF THE NAMYS of the HOUSES 
at my Lordes Mannour of LECKINFELDE at his Lordships 
NEW LOGE in his PARKE ther And what CHAMBERS they 
be which shall have PIERS kept in theym yerly And 'how 
myche PEWILL shal be allowid to every Hous by the DAYE 
Weke and Monneth As well Billett Wodde as Fagot And what 
Dais in the Weke they shal have Piers made in them at all such 
tymes in Winter that my Lorde lies not ther Yerly from All- 
Hallowtide to Shraftide As the Namys of the said Houses And 
what Houses they bee And what every of them shal be allowide 
by the Day Weke and Monthe And what Dais they shall have 
Piers kept in theym HEREAFTER FOLLOWITH in this Bill 
Signed with my Lordes Hande." 

This was making a Star-Chamber matter of it with a ven- 
geance! As the caption purports, the bill sets forth room by 
room those chambers in both mansions which shall have fires — 
the Leckinfield list includes this interesting group of apartments : 
The jewel house, my lord's library, my lady's library, my lord's 
library over the Chapel door, the evidence house over the 
Chapel stair, the upper and nether houses, i.e. stories, of the 
tower in the garden, the inner chamber in the upper house of 
the same, the wardrobe, armory and vestry — within these eleven 
chambers out of more than four score, cheerful Loki was granted 
a measured tether. Seven rooms in the New Lodge were like- 
wise to be graced by his warm presence. 

The straight laced document, further, in accordance with the 
promise of its title, narrates also room by room, the days of the 
week — Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, on which supplies of 
wood were to be furnished to each of these several chambers ; the 
precise quantity for each in shides and fagots with the price of 
both — the amounts of fuel and the costs being estimated for the 
week, month, and three months ! 2G 

26 Northumberland Household Book, 377. It is but fair to relate that 
this detail is characteristic of this whole household book and also of many 
others. 



363] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 89 

Finally, it would seem under the law of inertia, the bill con- 
cluded with a reiterative summary, stating first all the fuel in 
shides and fagots to be consumed, then the whole quantity of 
either sort allowed for the Manor and Lodge respectively to- 
gether with the total cost — three shillings, which is a comical 
reductio ad absurdum, a tiny mouse brought forth with majestic 
reverberating travail by this mountainous book-keeping ! 2T 

The finickin exactitude of these regulations safeguarded ex- 
penditures of the fuel which probably were entrusted to servants 
alone; Northumberland, however, had his wood and coal stores 
carefully estimated for the summer and winter use of the house- 
hold proper. 

What was called the "whole livery" of fuel — that is, the 
regulation daily delivery for winter consumption, began to be is- 
sued at Allliallows, and ran, full tilt, to Lady-Day in Lent ; 2S 
from this latter date, until Alihallows again, the summer, or 
"half liveries" were issued. During the winter the entire estab- 
lishment received its quota of coals, or wood and coal both, 
worked out with the usual great care. To "My Lordes great 
Chambre where he dyeneth" went daily, one shide of wood and 
one bushel two pecks of coals, the allowance for "My Ladys 
Chamber where she lyeth" and for his Grace's room "where he 
maketh hym redy" being somewhat more generous — two shides, 
one bushel and three pecks, each. 

The nursery was heated only "if my Lordes childer be by- 
neth," in which pleasant exigency two pecks of coals was its 
supply. One peck of coals had to suffice each of the great of- 
ficers of the household, except the Chamberlain, who was allowed 
a shide and two pecks. So on, with the rest of the household, 
down to the kitchen, bake and brew houses, whither generous 
supplies of fuel were carted, at least on busy days; thus in the 
brew house, at every brewing, four score and sixteen fagots were 
consumed. How delightful those glowing precincts on a bleak 
wintry day — where savory food or well-bodied drink were 
toward! But against the yearning temptation for servants to 
loiter near such genial comfort, stood the stringent rules of the 
establishment, and the steadfast training of the officers. 

27 Northumberland Household Booh, 377-385. 

28 Ibid., 99-101. 



90 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [364 

The half, or "summer liveries" of fuel, were issued only to 
the chambers of the earl and his lady, to my Lord Percy 's room, 
the nursery, and his Grace's library. What a vigorous estab- 
lishment this, to have flourished under so skimpy a fuel pro- 
vision, housed, as it was, in a stone castle, moat engirt, in the 
northernmost county of England, defying the winter's rages 
until Allhallows, and heralded to spring, whether or no, on the 
25th of March! And then Harrison with that age-old per- 
versity, bewails those ancient days, when stalwart Englishmen 
dwelt not in the snug comfort of oaken-ribbed houses! 

It was likewise to guard against extravagance that the earl's 
keen eye searchingly scanned the mistakes made by the manage- 
ment in the conduct of this entire department during the year 
just ended. Whether the error lay in the purveyance of the 
supplies, or was due to the ignorance or neglect of a servant 
charged with handling the stock, Northumberland noted it and 
tersely declared its remedy. 

Apparently the bakers and brewers had been careless ; at any 
rate, some bread and beer had been bought up outside; hence- 
forth the home product must suffice. Furthermore when trencher 
bread was baked, the flour for it was to be used as it came from 
the mill — that is, unbolted. 

What appears to have been some underhand work on the part 
of a purveyor was detected in connection with the fish supplies ; 
no longer, when salt-fish was high priced, was stock fish to be 
bought because it was cheaper — the implication being that pro- 
vision had been made for the salt-fish. Neither, in the future, 
were red and white herring and sprats to be purchased for serv- 
ing either at breakfasts or on scrambling days in Lent or for 
regular use during other seasons, to thereby avoid supplying 
enough sea and fresh water fish. 

During 1511 the whole household had been indiscriminately 
living on the fat of the land, but from then on no lambs were to 
be bought when they were dear, except for Northumberland's 
board, and the fare of his Steward and Chamberlain, while it 
was briefly enjoined ' ' that their be no common service of theym 
thrugh the hous. ' ' 

Thrift forbade what had been a wanton wasting of white salt 
during the past year. This commodity was henceforth to be 



365] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 91 

used only in the pantry and "for seasonynge of meate or for 
castyng upon meit. " Stringent ordinance declared that the 
"broken wine" in my lord's house be converted into vinegar, 
the clerks of the establishment providing the lags for that pur- 
pose, these same having first been duly marked by those servants 
"after thei be past drawyng that thei can be set no more of 
broche. ' ' 

It was probably the heavy breakage of the earthen pots in 
which livery food was served, which instituted the commission to 
provide leather pots for them, i.e. in which to set them ; while a 
promiscuous freedom in renting pewter dishes led to a re-naming 
of those four festivals on which alone the house hired extra, ware. 
A similar mismanagement called forth a rehearsal of the estab- 
lished rule in regard to the purchase of counterfeit vessels, with 
its careful injunction to keep the same in the counting house 
during the wide intervals between their quadriannual festival 
service. 29 

Other orders by the earl to assure the economical consumption 
of all the provisions will be later noted. It is sufficient here to 
observe that no rule which a wise frugality could suggest was 
left unframed. The baker must answer his six hundred and 
forty manchets, two in a loaf out of every quarter of wheat de- 
livered to him, a like mathematical exactitude measuring the 
household and trencher bread. The brewer had also his stead- 
fast gauge, while the butcher learned to a whack how many 
"stroks shal be strikkyn" out of every beast transformed by his 
cleaver art from a lively creature into a carcass, 30 a similar 
chart being likewise furnished to that individual whoever he may 
have been who cut up the cured fish. 31 

"While making no pretense at completeness, these details well 
reflect the character of that control from headquarters which a 
great nobleman, like the 5th Earl of Northumberland, exercised 
over his supplies. This was a duty punctiliously performed by 
many if not all of the nobility. In February of 1586, Edward 
Earl of Derby signed Household Regulations several of which 
touch this department directly. 32 On May 12, 1587, his successor, 

29 Northumberland Household Boole, 55-58. 

30 Northumberland Household Boole, 134-135. 
si Ibid., 135. 

32 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 8-10. 



92 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN" [366 

the Earl Henry, formally kept or amended these to suit his 
needs. 33 George, Duke of Clarence, Lord John Howard of 
Stoke, all of the nobles, in fact, whose household accounts have 
been preserved, demanded an efficiency in this respect only to 
have been attained through similar regulations though such rules 
were not always so carefully formulated. 

In securing and looking after their supplies, however, these 
noble householders by no means confined themselves to the cir- 
cumscribed bounds of the pilot, effective and necessary as was 
direction from that vantage. In fact the many busy hours de- 
voted by Lord John Howard of Stoke to the personal transac- 
tion of much of his entire provision business, stand immutable 
witnesses to the painstaking industry of certain of these old 
Tudor aristocrats. Each was on his own behalf a zealous worker, 
shirking no task of this sort, however trivial, nay, mean, it may 
have been. 

Among the numerous provision works to which Lord Howard 
at times devoted his personal attention was his fish supply. It 
has already been pointed out that fish of all sorts was one of the 
largest staple foods of the nobility. We have also noted that the 
fresh fish most commonly eaten were carp, tench, pike, bream, 
and perch. A constantly available supply of these was secured 
by stocking artificial ponds, moats, or other waters on the estates 
with such varieties. By maintaining a progression or series of 
these little fisheries, several were always ripe. These could be 
fished, or, in the case of the ponds, simply broken open, the water 
drained off, and the necessary fish easily taken. The constant 
care given to this sort of thing accounts for the steady employ- 
ment by all of the nobles of pond makers and pond ' ' casters ' ' or 
cleaners. 

Stock material for maturing at home could be secured from 
men who made a business of fish culture, while presents of such 
young fish were also exchanged among friends. At Bel voir in 
1611, Croxton, Westminster, and Besk Park ponds, Rossel sick 
(brook) and Clipsome dam supplied fresh fish for the Earl of 
Rutland. These waters, stocked with such numbers of bream, 
tench, pike, and carp as were necessary, were located either, like 
Westminster pond, on the demesne, or like Croxton, on tenant 
lands. The earl purchased store fish from Paul Robinson of 

33 ibid., 20-22. 



367] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 93 

Crowland and Holland, Lincoln Co., who charged twelve pence, 
two shillings, six pence, and two shillings apiece for pike, bream, 
tench, and carp respectively, and in that year Rutland was pay- 
ing one Robert Bingham a yearly wage of five pounds for look- 
ing after his ponds. 34 

Between 1462 and 1472 Lord John Howard had fish in some ten 
different waters ; among these were his mill pond, the ' ' greatest 
pond in the park," two at "Sprottes," the long moat at Over- 
bury Park, that in the close garden, another pond called "Jan- 
enes," and the brick pond. In addition to these, in 1465 his 
lordship was agreed with a man known as Snelle of Leyham, 
for ponds belonging to him and his mother. Howard secured 
the right to store these ponds and break them open when he 
chose, paying four pence a year for the privilege. 35 

During the decade under consideration, Howard stocked his 
own ponds and tended personally to the removal of his fish. 
On May 15, 1462, he himself put in his mill pond two hundred 
roach, eighty tench, forty perch, twelve each of great and small 
breams, forty-seven great carp, twenty-three great tench, and 
later, twenty-five more great tench. 

Sometimes an old pond was opened up simply to transfer some 
stock to a new water, or to take out the big fish and restock with 
small ones. Thus Howard himself narrates such an operation : 
"And the vij yere of the Kenge, xxviij. of Janever, (Ed. 4th, 
1467-1468) I breke myne greteste ponte in the parke, and howete 
of that I toke in grete bremes, lxv. And pote theme in to the mel 
ponte the wesche is new mad; and I pote the same day into the 
same ponte vj grete karpes; and the same day I pote into the 
same ponte in lytel Karpes xij xx (240) And in grete tensches the 
same tyme xliij (43) In small tensches xx, In lytel bremetes lxij, 
In roches xiij xx (260), In perches vj xx (120) " — and then with 
a conclusion worthy of an assize — " Al thes is at thes hower and 
day in the mel ponte" ! 

Again a clerk notes that on October 8, 1462, his master "brake 
his hederest ponde at Sprottes . . . and lete nat owte alle 
the water, wherfore he lete ther in serteyn grete carpes and 
many oder smale, and muche ffrye. ' ' 

Lord John seems to have been particularly successful with his 

34 Eutland Household Books, MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 482. 

35 Howard Household Books, 560-564, for these and following facts. 



94' THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [368 

ponds and he practised a generosity with his stock whereby sev- 
eral folk, at least, profited. On September 27, 1465, he gave 
away eighty-four store carp — fifty to ' ' my Lady Waldgrave, ' ' 
twelve to Thomas Moleyns, twelve to "Chelone," and ten to 
' ' Chateryse. ' ' 

Howard's interest in his fish supply brought him more work 
than merely caring for his ponds. He frequently bought up 
cured fish for his store, and did not hesitate to play cator if 
chance offered a tempting fresh fish bargain. On July 4, 1482, 
he paid a man of Downich, at Colchester, twenty-one shillings 
eight pence, neatly acquiring therefor sixty-two salt fish, whereas 
he had paid but for fifty; his* wary servant going to fetch these 
home succeeded in further boosting the purchase up to sixty-six 
while the fish were being told off ! 36 Our haggling country folk 
of to-day have in truth aristocratic if antique precedent for 
their thrifty penchant. 

In March of 1483 Howard gave twenty shillings "to John 
Spysers wiff, of Hadleyth, " for fifty stock fish. 37 This seasoned 
dame was evidently experienced in the ways of her craft, and 
doesn't appear to have been in the least daunted by the august 
presence of a great noble, for we hear of no such Christian 
measure as that to which the fisherman at Colchester submitted. 

Likewise in March of this same year Howard secured one hun- 
dred and twenty- four powdered cod from ' ' a man of the coast, ' ' 
who was at the Hyth, a Colchester ordinary. On this occasion, 
however, his lordship only directed the bargain, the actual buy- 
ing being done by one Barker of the inn who owed Lord John 
a debt. The fish cost forty shillings — more than discharging 
the debt by six shillings and eight pence, which Howard prompt- 
ly paid. 38 

Perhaps, finally, it might be only a small purchase, like that 
on December 25th, 1481, when Howard gave one Lalford five shil- 
lings to pay "a pike man of Ippiswech" for twenty eel and some 
small eel which were for some pond or other 39 — or the three 
shillings six pence Howard himself paid on March 2nd, 1483, to a 
pike monger for six pickerel. 40 So much for the fish. 

36 Howard Household BooJcs (Collier), 214. 
z? Howard Household Books (Collier), 362. 
ss Ibid., 371-372. 

39 Ibid., 143. 

40 Ibid., 362. 



369] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 95 

Most of the mutton which supplied the tables at Stoke was 
raised on the place. In fact Howard went into sheep raising on 
no small scale for his day, and his interest in the numbers and 
condition of his stock was natural. With what a justifiable 
pride and satisfaction must he have entered with his own hand 
the memorandum of September of 1465 which chronicled the 
numerical status of his folds to-date : 

" . . . the nexte fry day be fore Mekelmes day, I ad at Bray 
and in the kontery a bowte, morre than xi.c (1100) schepe And 
thereof ware morre than v.c (500) wedderes." 41 On December 
17th, 1482, likewise through his own memorandum he displayed 
his characteristic sharp surveillance over stock buying. Enter- 
ing what apparently had been a servant's order, he writes: 
' ' And so Wateken, bocher, schal sende me for my iii j markes xx. 
good wedderes to Brames place at Boxsted : the most be worthe 
ij.s:viij.d a pese." 42 

This busy Suffolk nobleman had also a deft hand at turning a 
grain bargain. The tremendous consumption of cereal staples 
in a great household could rarely be supported solely by crops 
raised on a lord's estates. That noble who devoted much of his 
lands to stock raising was especially liable to be dependent on 
-the outside world for grain. At any rate, corn often in large 
quantities had to be secured by many of the nobility from beyond 
their own farms. This was the case at Stoke, and Lord John 
Howard did not always rest the responsibility for its purchase 
entirely on his Steward. 

On October 13th, 1482, he personally paid Sir Thomas Beston 
of Wulpet, 3£ :15s, for twenty quarters of barley, 43 while earlier 
in the same month he made a covenant with a debtor, one John 
Beere, "before Mast 1 * Rysley at Lynne, as it perith be a byll 
wretyn be on of his clerkes, ' ' whereby Beere promised to pay him 
on his debt, five seam (sack of eight bushels) each of barley, oats, 
wheat, and haras, 44 for all of which Howard was to allow him the 
Sudbury market price. 45 

His lordship readily contracted for grain on church livings. 

4i Howard Household Boolcs, 555. 

42 Howard Household Boolcs, 328. 

43 Howard Household Books (Collier), 299. 

44 "Haras" — horse-feed, from haras, a stud? 

45 Hoivard Household Boolcs (Collier), 298. 



96 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [370 

In October of 1481 he bought of the parson of "Berfolte" 
twenty quarters of wheat, and took that mercantile servant of 
God, forty shillings in hand. 46 Again in late May of the next 
year, Howard purchased from ' ' Syr Perys Aleghe, pryst . . . 
all the cornys and greynys of the paryche of Polsted for this yer 
folewyng fore the whiche [he] chall have of my Lord xv 
marks, . . . " 47 and also determined the amount over which 
two men of the parish were at a point with the cleric, for their 
tithes ; perhaps he himself got the tithes ; at any rate the transac- 
tion left Lord John the priest's debtor to the extent of ten 
pounds. Howard paid five pounds to him then, and on January 
4th of the next year dismissed the bill by a further payment of 
4£ : 6s : 8d. In the interim some other money appears to have 
changed hands between the two, for on the latter date Howard 
shrewdly recorded that the priest was contented, that is, paid up, 
". . . saif only my Lord soposeth that he hath vjs:viijd more 
and his dewte, and if it can be fownde in my Lordes bokes, he 
must make it good ageyn to my Lord" 4S — a rather close shear- 
ing of the poor ecclesiastic ! 

Finally, through an obscure transaction, also in 1483, likewise 
conducted by Howard himself, he received a large consignment of 
twenty-five quarters of wheat, which was apparently paid for in 
salt, the necessary quantities of which were disposed of by two 
men named Gauge and Patton, who likewise bought the grain. 49 
The bargain involved some 10£, which was a large sum of money 
to be spent on a single grain purchase. 

When Parliament duty called Lord Howard to London, he 
frequently took advantage of his temporary residence in the cap- 
ital to look after his wine supplies. In April of 1482 he paid to 
one Matok, in the city, twenty-five marks for two and one-half 
tuns of wine, 50 while in February of the year following he sent 
home to Stoke a pipe of red and a hogshead of claret wine. 51 

A London visit was also a capital opportunity to have a ' ' reck- 
oning" with grocer Sandes in Cheapside, from whom all of How- 
ard's "spice" was purchased, with but one exception during the 

<LQlMd., 118. 
n Ibid., 208-209. 

48 Ibid., 337. 

49 Howard Household Books (Collier), 321. 
so Ibid., 354. 

si Ibid., 484. 



371] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 97 

years 1481-1483. The reason for Sandes 's little monopoly was 
that he rented his shop with its hall above stairs from Howard, 
who, in country doctor fashion, simply "turned" his bill. On 
February 21, 1483, his lordship had an accounting' with his ten- 
ant, and through this it was made clear, item by item, that 
Sandes had a debit account of 14£ :14s :5d against his landlord ; 
this included 3£:8s:7V4d which Howard owed him "of old" — 
"as it pereth in the gret rede booke" — charges for sundry gro- 
cery items delivered in the course of the last year, and the costs 
for some little repairs about the shop which Sandes had paid ; all 
this duly viseed, it was patent to all concerned, after subtracting 
10£, the year's rental for the stand, that Lord John still owed his 
tenant 4£:14s:5d, which, with gracious accommodation, he al- 
lowed to apply on next year's rent. 52 

Like all of the nobility, Lord John Howard was interested in 
his brewing, and he himself often bought up the necessary hops 
for that important home industry. In April of 1481 he secured 
five hundred and sixty-two pounds of blossoms from a Colchester 
man by the name of Whitefoot, who received 3£ for his sale. 
Howard was short of money in pocket that day, for after sub- 
tracting 33s :4d from a debt which the hop man had owed him for 
some time, he, in turn, had to make suit to one of his servants 
who fortunately was at hand, for the balance, 26s :8d! 53 Again 
on August 23rd, 1483, Howard paid 18s, also at Colchester, for 
two hundred pounds of hops, 34 and the year before he seems to 
have been attempting the culture of the vines himself, though ap- 
parently without much success. In March of 1482 he paid his 
Steward 2d. "for setting of viij hopps. " 55 

The great quantities of fuel consumed at Stoke in heating, 
baking, and brewing passed under his tally. Again and again he 
has his reckoning with the hired woodmen who prepared it for 
use. Perhaps a settlement was made with Nicholas Root, who in 
April of 1481 had made "xix c (1900) wode" — bundles of 
fagots, probably, and whose pay to date, 7s: :4d, left still a little 
balance due him. 56 Or again, it may have been that accounts 

52 Howard Household Boohs (Collier), 351-353. 
MlMd., 56. 

54 Ibid., 433. 

55 Ibid., 171. 

56 Howard Household Boohs (Collier), 51. 



98 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [372 

were squared with William Sherman, 57 Richard Whiting, 58 Rob- 
ert Gyrleynghouse, 59 or Hary Quylter who was paid 4s. on De- 
cember 24th, 1482, ' ' for bryngenge in xj quarters of coles made of 
my Lordes owne woode. ' ' 60 

Howard's interest in his wood pile and coal sacks is but one 
manifestation of his tight grasp on the purveyance of other than 
food supplies. Were there dishes to be rented or purchased he 
frequently attended to that business. Here his practices acquaint 
us with a universal custom at once quaint and curious. New 
pewter vessel, the commonest sort of table ware used among the 
nobles during this period, was ordinarily purchased by each 
household at least once a year. It was sold by weight usually in 
garnishes, and so much was allowed by the pewterer, also accord- 
ing to weight, for old dishes in exchange. One of Howard's 
clerks noted that on January 11th, 1483, his ". . . Lorde rek- 
ened with Willm Revett, pewterer of Ypswiche, for pewter vessel 
that he had delyvered to the kechyn before Crystemasse, in new 
vessell of on sorte, ij. doss, new platers, and xxiij. new dyshes of 
a nothir sorte, and xij new dyshes of a nothir sorte ; of which at 
this day ther lakkyth one, and xvij. new sawsers, wherof lakketh 
on at this day : for the chaunge of whyche ther was delyverd the 
same day xvij. olde platers, xij. olde dyshes, and viij. old saw- 
sers, the whiche weyid lviij.lb.di. ; and the vesselle before said 
weyid iiij. xx viij.lb.di. ; and so ther remayned to hym xxx.ib. of the 
new vessell, for which my Lord paid hym the same day, for every 
lb.iij.d. Summa vij.s vj.d. 

Item, my Lord paied hym for the exchaunge of the lviij.lb.di. 
iiij.s.x.d. Summa totall xij.s.iiij.d." 61 

This pewter ware was wrought in Tudor days with an excel- 
lence appreciated as well abroad as in England. Harrison af- 
firms that ' ' In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat 
English pewter of an ordinarie making ... is esteemed al- 
most so pretious, as the like number of vessels that are made of 
fine siluer, and in maner no lesse desired amongst the great 
estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as 

57 Ibid., 51. 

ss Ibid., 142. 

59 Ibid., 326. 

so Ibid., 332-333. 

6i Howard Household BooTcs (Collier), 340. Vide also 331, 421. 



373] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 99 

ours, neither their mettall so good, nor plentie so great, as we 
haue here in England. ' ' 62 However this may have been, pewter 
is not a very enduring substance. Easily marred by scratching 
and denting, a whole service of such metal in regular use must 
soon have presented a battered, dingy, and altogether shabby ap- 
pearance, hence the need for constant change, which surely ac- 
counts in part for the practised hand of the English craftsmen. 

Beside Revett, Howard dealt also with another manufacturer 
of this ware, located in Ipswich, likewise, and known to the Stoke 
household simply as "Thomas of Ipswiche. " His lordship at 
least rented vessel of this Thomas, having one settlement with the 
craftsman on a Sunday in August of 1483, while September 27th 
of that year ". . . my Lord paid hym for the hire of ves- 
sell for all that he cowde ax, un to this day, a bove wretyn, 
xxvj.s. viij.d." 63 

"When hired dishes were in the possession of a household, the 
establishment naturally assumed responsibility for their safe re- 
turn. A vexatious little comedy on this theme was played at 
Lord North's expense during his costly entertainment of Queen 
Elizabeth before related. The necessary extra pewter dishes for 
that occasion rented at 20s. Scouring and taking charge of the 
ware thus hired cost 16s :8d. more. Then in the hub-bub and 
confusion during the festivities, it was discovered that the outfit 
was missing — ' ' lost. ' ' The set weighed forty-five pounds, and 
his lordship's clerk recorded that at 8d. per pound, it cost 32s*. 
2d. to replace ! 64 Had this episode happened at Stoke, Lord 
"William Howard's animadversions would have been well worth 
recording ! 

Likely enough, by-the-bye, some of the Queen's attendants 
made off with the lost ware; for in these ancient days thieving 
was a universal art, at the practice of which domestics were prone 
to be very adept. A household regulation of King Henry the 
8th, issued in the twenty-second year of his reign, enveighs 
against a ponderous, elephantine burglary, truly appalling to 
contemplate, evidently indulged in by his servants. Article 
thirty of those regulations "enjoins all his highness' attendants 
not to steal any locks or keys, tables, forms, cupboards, or other 

62 Harrison, Description of England, Holinshed, 1, 399. 

sz Howard Household Books (Collier), 464. 

s* Extracts from Household Books, Archaeologia, XIX, 290 et seq. 



100 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [374 

furniture, out of noblemen's or gentlemen's houses, where he 
goes to visit"! 65 

Returning for a final observation on Howard 's industrious pur- 
veyance : There was not a supply detail to which he would not 
attend. He could buy a lock for his saffron garden, 66 and he was 
not too dignified to pay lid. for "ij bolles for the kechyn, ij 
rounde dyshes and xj platers of tre (wood) to serve werkmen, 
and othyr gere. ' ' 67 

In conclusion, we have followed here an interest on the part of 
these noble householders in their supply purveyance which led 
them from its intricate supervision to the personal transaction of 
its most trivial business. Two reasons for such an interest read- 
ily suggest themselves. In the first place a nobleman's estate 
was his all; as it flourished or decayed, so waxed or waned his 
personal well-being. Supplies, costly both to secure and keep, 
constituted one of his heaviest running expenses. In 1469 they 
cost the Duke of Clarence 2545£ :15s :6d. 68 In 1512 the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland thus laid out 677£:18s:ld., 69 while in 1561, 
Edward Earl of Derby expended in like manner nearly 1700£. 70 
Furthermore all the duties of purveyance as well as those con- 
nected with supply consumption, entrusted to servants, offered 
seductive temptation to even the stout of heart among a liveried 
crew ; somewhat of this we have already seen while further details 1 
of a similar variety will come presently to view. If, therefore, a 
nobleman were a wise manager, he had to be alert to all that was 
going on in this department. In the second place, if fortune so 
favored him that he were not driven to constant spigot gazing in 
self defense, even such a man must have welcomed work like that 
with which we have seen them busied, in preference to long hours 
of logy idleness. When at home, with no routine business at 
hand, how tediously had the leaden-footed days dragged by! 
Duties like these, on the other hand, if properly conducted, de- 
manded a constant vigilance which should soon have taught a 
man to mark the whirr of the hour's wings, and the swift passage 
of the day's post-horse! 

65 Archaeologia, III, 154. 

66 Howard Household Books (Collier), 292. 

67 Ibid., 325. 

6s Eoyal Household Ordinances, 101 et seq. 

69 Northumberland Household Boole, 1-27. 

70 Stanley Pavers, Pt. 2, 1-5. 



CHAPTER V 
SUPPLY PURVEYANCE IN THE HANDS OF SERVANTS 

Live not in the country without corn and cattle about thee, for he that 
putteth his hand to the purse for every expense of Household, is like him 
that keepeth water in a sieve; and what provision thou shalt want, learn to 
buy it at the best hand for there is one penny saved in four betwixt buying 
in thy need, and when the markets and seasons serve fittest for. it. 

— Lord Burghley to Ms Son. 

If all wise noblemen carefully interested themselves in the in- 
tricate responsibilities of supply purveyance, there were many 
times in the course of a year when such personal buying as often 
engaged their attention was out of the question ; nay, at best, the 
heaviest share of that labor perforce fell upon the shoulders of 
paid officers; in fact the men hired to attend to the purchase, 
keep, and delivery of the household supplies made up the greatest 
number of the servant group, with that business their principal 
occupation. 

Under ordinary conditions, the first among those engaged in 
securing the ' ' gross emptions ' ' and other supplies was the Stew- 
ard with his assistants. ". . . the stewarde of houshould 
is to make all forraine provisions whatsoever, and to see them 
brought into the house and then to acquainte the comptroller 
therewith, as his chardge. . . Hee is to make all bargaines and 
sales, or at the leaste bee made privie thereunto, and also to ac- 
quant his lorde therewith, and to take his lordes opinion therein, 
and to call the comptroller, or other cappitall officers, and to take 
theire opinions therein, as his assistannce, for his lordes better 
service to bee donne. ' ' *■ Money for all such purposes was given 
him by the Receiver-General ; in fact " . . . his hannde is 
warraunt to the receavour for what sommes soever, for his lordes 
affaires. . . " 2 

Closely associated with the Steward in actual purveyance were 
the Comptroller and the Clerk of the Kitchen. Frequently, the 

i Breviate, Archaeologia, XIII, 315, 316. 
2 Ibid., 316. 

101 



102 " THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [376 

Comptroller did most of the buying; Brathwait speaks of a su- 
perintendency of such work by head officers, not distinguishing 
them particularly. "They must be able to iudge, not onely of 
the prices, but also of the goodnes of all kindes of corne, Cattell, 
and other household provisions; . . ." 3 In 1512, Richard 
Gowge, Countroller, and Thomas Percy, Clerk of the Kitchen, 
were charged with all the work of provisioning the establishment 
of the 5th Earl of Northumberland. 4 While this may have been 
a special case, in general the Comptroller had to assume any of 
the Steward's duties during the latter 's absence; "Hee is in the 
absence of the stewarde to supplie his place, thoughe not in name, 
yet in power so amplie, as if hee himselfe weare in presence 
touchinge all eommaundes. ' ' 5 

At the beginning of the household year, before purveyance be- 
gan, it was customary to equip the officers setting out upon that 
business with every datum and rule which could assure their 
work and safeguard a lord's interests. In 1512, Northumber- 
land's men were provided with complete lists of all the year's 
supplies — quantity noted, and price, as exactly as fluctuation 
would allow. 

They knew accurately when it had to be got in, where much of 
it was to come from, and when payments upon it were to be made, 
warrants for the necessary money being made out to them upon 
the earl's several receivers. 6 Furthermore, they were given a 
flying start at the commencement of each year, in being able to 
rely for their first block of supplies upon the carefully itemized 
remnant of stock left from the previous twelve-month. In 1512 
that "remainder" in this household was quite a substantial pro- 
vision, including a bit of about everything used in the establish- 
ment, from wine to hay; the whole was valued at £58:22d. 
". . . as it aperith more playnly by a bill of the said Re- 
maneth signed with my hand which ys delyvert into the kepynge 
of the said Richard Gowge Countroller and Thomas Percy Clark 
of the Kitchynge. " 7 

3 Brathwait, 7. 

* Northumberland Household Boole, 1. 

5 Breviate, 317. 

e Northumberland Household Boole, 3-27, 111, 207, etc. The Earls of 
Butland and Derby, the Duke of Clarence — all noblemen, probably had 
similar lists and directions. 

7 Northumberland Household Boole, 1-3. 



377] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 103 

In securing supplies dependence was first placed upon the 
lord's demesnes and those of his tenants who could pay their rent 
in kind. To facilitate such purveyance the Steward was also 
incharged with the demesne farming, and must needs be a skilled 
husbandman. He determined which of the lands were fittest for 
various uses, and chose the "baliefes of husbandrie" — dis- 
pensing to the ". . . saide bailiefes, all such sommes of mon- 
nye, as is to bee bestowede, as well to buye cornne, as cattell, and 
sheepe, and to derect such groundes, for these cattell and sheepe 
bought, as by his discretione, shal bee thought meete. . . " s 

Each month of the twelve brought its full quota of supervision 
to this busy officer — ■ now it was the preparation of all manner of 
wood for household use — fuel, hedging or building — clearing 
grounds — plowing and sowing, or all the sage details in the 
breeding and management of horses and stock — regulating of 
pasture and fodder — harvesting — in a word, the multifarious 
business of a husbandman, which, while not personally done by 
the Steward, nor yet by his assistants in office, was at least over- 
seen by him. 9 

Under a careful management, a very considerable part of the 
year's gross eruptions might be laid in from the demesne and 
tenant farms. In 1611 all the beef consumed from Lamas to 
Christmas in the household of the Earl of Rutland was supplied 
from Biskwood Park, which, about May-day, was stocked with 
young steers and heifers out of Yorkshire. 10 His Grace's sheep- 
folds, two at Hambledon in Yorkshire, and four at Branson, 
Saltby, Beskpark, and Wolsthorpe farms, furnished at least 
three hundred of the four hundred muttons used annually, while 
all the lambs slaughtered came from ". . . my Lord's store 
about Belvoyre and thith lambes at Ansley. . ." 

Warrens, conveniently near the earl's various houses, raised 
the two thousand two hundred rabbits used for food each year, 
while a rarer dainty — swan's flesh, was likewise a home product; 

s Breviate, 315. 

9 Breviate, 373-383: "Heare insueth neeessarie instructions for the 
Stewarde or principall Officers of the Houshould to have respect unto, as 
concerning all forand oecations, with the tymes and seasons of the yeare 
dulie considered touching these perticulars followinge. . ." 

io Probably from farms of the earl. These and the following details 
are taken from a Treatise on Supplies for the Rutland Household, set down 
in 1611. Batland MS., 4, 480-486. 



104 ■ THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [378 

the earl had birds on the Trent river, and a "marke" in Holland 
(Co. Lincoln). Great care was taken of the flock, consisting of 
twenty-nine swans and signettes in 1613 ; one William Wande was 
paid £3 yearly, for looking after them, while each bird was 1 
". . . marked on the bill with E. R., which was the marke of 
Edward, Earl of Rutland; alsoe his Lordshipe's swans hath both 
heeles cutt off, which is the more certaine marke and used by noe 
other person." 

Of the grain supply, the oats (200 quarters annually) was all 
rent corn, as was the greatest part of the wheat, what was lacking 
to make up the full quota, 120 quarters, being bought in Lincoln- 
shire ' ' at the best hand. ' ' The forty quarters of peas was largely 
rental and tithes produce, while the entire 160 quarters of malt 
was thus secured. In addition to such staple foods, some of the 
lighter supplies were also got at home — dairy and poultry pro- 
duce — verjuice, that much prized sauce, made ' ' of crabbes gath- 
ered in my Lorde's woodes in the end of August" — and candles 
— ■ ' ' His Lordship 's provision of lightes is made in the howse of 
the benefit of the slaughter howse; my Lord's yearely proportion 
being x xx dozen. ' ' 

About this same time, the demesnes of Lord William Howard 
of Naworth presented all the appearances of very thrifty farms. 
His lordship's Steward, during 1512, was paying men for mak- 
ing and driving plows, harrowing, threshing of big and oats, hay 
harvesting, looking after the orchard, cutting wood, attending to 
calves and flocks of sheep, which latter work included marking, 
driving to pastures, fold-building and folding, shearing, gather- 
ing and winding wool, all of which industry was netting many 
of those supplies so bountifully consumed in that great old house- 
hold. 11 

While most of the provision for the Northumberland household 
in the early sixteenth century was nicely estimated on a money 
basis, and cash was supplied to the earl's officers for securing it, 
a goodly part of the stock came directly from the demesnes. 
Thus £11 was paid for the making and hauling of all the hay 
used, growing on one hundred and four score and five acres of 
demesne at Wressil and Leckinfield ; Percy had his cherished 
"Carr of Swans" at Leckinfield in Yorkshire, under a keeper 

n Household Bools of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 36-41. 



379] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 105 

and under-keepers, from which, were secured by warrant, twenty 
swans yearly, for garnishing seven annual festivals — Christmas, 
St. Stephen's, St. John's, Childermas, St. Thomas's, New-Year's, 
and Twelfth Night. 12 

Twenty parks in Northumberland, Yorkshire, and Cumber- 
land supported, in 1512, five thousand five hundred and seventy- 
one red and fallow deer, while the earl had more park land in 
Sussex and other southern counties. This goodly store of venison 
was drawn upon, also by warrant, for festivals throughout the 
year — twenty-nine does in winter, and twenty bucks in summer, 
being the annual estimate. 13 

Northumberland had his dikes, or fish-ponds, under their 
keeper, and depended upon certain of his tenants for a constant 

12 Northumberland Household Book, 24-25, 206, 207. The form of the 
Warrant follows: 

" WELBILO VIDE I grete youe wele Ande wol ande charge youe that 
ye deliver or caus to be delivert unto my welbilovide Servaunts Rieherd 
Gowge Comptroller of my Hous Ande Gilbert Wedal Clarke of my Ketch- 
inge For th' use ande expends of my saide Hous nowe againste the Feest 
of Cristynmas next comynge Twentie SIGNETTES To be takenne of the 
Breide of my Swannes within my Carre of Aromme within my Lordsehipe 
of Lekinfeld within the Countie of Yorke Whereof ye have the kepinge 
ANDE that ye caus the same to be delivert unto theme or to Oone of theme 
furthwith uppon the Sight herof ANDE this my Writinge for the Delyverie 
of the same shal be unto youe anempst me ande tofore myn Auditours at 
youre nexte aecompte in this bihalve Sumciaunte Warraunte ande Dis- 
charge GEVEN under my Signet and Singe Manuel at my Manoure of 
Lekinfeld the XXIJth daie of Novembre In the Vth Yere of the Reigne of 
our Soverigne Lorde Kinge Henry the VILLt^" 

is Ibid., 425-426. Parks such as these and rabbit warrens like those op- 
erated by the Earls of Rutland were very common in England. Harrison 
writes: "In euerie shire of England there is great plentie of parkes, 
whereof some here and there, to wit, welnere to the number of two hundred 
for hir daily prouision of that flesh apperteine to the prince, the rest to 
such of the nobilitie and gentlemen as haue their lands and patrimonies 
lieng in or neere vnto the same. I would gladlie haue set downe the iust 
number of these inclosures to be found in euerie countie: but sith I cannot 
so doo, it shall suffice to saie, that in Kent and Essex onelie are to the 
number of an hundred, and twentie in the bishoprike of Durham, wherein 
great plentie of fallow deere is cherished and kept. As for warrens of 
conies, I iudge them almost innumerable, and dailie like to increase, by 
reason that the blacke skins of those beasts are thought to counteruaile the 
prices of their naked carcasses, and this is onelie cause whie the graie are 
lesse esteemed. ' ' — Description of England, Holinshed, 1, 343. 



106 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [380 

supply of fish, ordering in 1512 ". . . that a Direccion be 
taken with my Lordes Tenauntes of Hergham and to be at a ser- 
teyn with theme that they shall serve my Lordes hous thrugheowt 
the Yere of all manar of FRESH WATER FYSCHE." 14 

In this household also, articles of lesser importance were sup- 
plied at home. The wine lees were saved for vinegar; 15 tallow 
from the slaughter-house, in part, sufficed for candle manufac- 
ture, 16 while a thrifty order was issued to the Cater in 1512, to 
the effect ". . . that from hensforth that theire be no 
HERBYS bought seinge that the Cookes may have herbes anewe 
in my Lordys Gardyns. " 17 

If it were relatively easy to superintend and control such sup- 
plies as the demesne or tenants could furnish, the large outside 
buying always necessary to round out a year's quota of gross 
emptions was a difficult business, taxing all the ingenuity of a 
purveyor. The great objective with a lord, in foreign purchase, 
was ever, all goods at the best figure. Not a nobleman was there 
who would not have subscribed an eloquent approval to the advice 
Lord Burghley gave to his son in this matter. 18 

A prerequisite to wise buying was getting about the country- 
side expeditiously, therefore horses were always at a purveyor's 
disposal, and while he was on duty, his personal expenses were 
paid from the household budget. In 1512, Northumberland al- 
lowed 8d. per diem, in winter, for the keep of each man and 
horse engaged in purchasing supplies ; in summer the rating was 
2!/od. a day, while Id. a day was supposed to cover a day and 
night's grazing costs for one horse in pasture during buying op- 
erations. The rating was also established per week and per 
month, man and beast, for such terms of absence from home on 
purveyance, 19 while the round sum of £20 was the gross estimate 
of this necessary cost for one year. 20 

14 Northumberland Household Book, 108. 

is Ibid., 57. 

16 Ibid., 14-15. 

it Ibid., 108. See also above, Chapters II and IV, where John How- 
ard, later Duke of Norfolk, secures goodly parts of his provision from his 
own estates. 

i & See above, Chapter caption. Note also Lord John Howard's haggling 
bargains — above, Chapter IV. 

19 Northumberland Household Book, 119. 

20 Ibid., 23-24. 



381] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 107 

Throughout the entire Tudor period most outside buying was 
done at fairs and markets. In 1512, Northumberland compelled 
him " . . . that standes chargid with my Lordes house for the 
houll Yeir if he may possible Shall be at all Faires wheir the 
Groice Empcions shal be boughte for the house for the houlle 
Yeire. . . And if he may not Thanne to apointe the Clerke 
Comptroller with such oither Persons as he thinkis good To go 
to the said Faires for bying of the forsaid Groice Empcions." 21 
Almost one hundred years later, Richard Brathwait writes that 
the chief officers in an earl's household ". . . must be able to 
iudge, not onely of the prices, but also of the goodnes of all 
kindes of corne, Cattell, and other household privisions ; and the 
better to enable themselves therto, are oftentimes to ride to 
Fayres and great markets, and ther to have conference with 
Graziers and Purveiors, being men of witt and experience, and 
of them to learne what places are fittest to make provisions at, 
and wher best to put off." 22 In fact, markets and fairs were 
two institutions which then flourished well, and fitted the con- 
venience of most noblemen nicely, both as to place and season. 

Of the former, Harrison affirms that there were ". . . few 
great townes in England, that haue not their weeklie markets, 
one or more granted from the prince, in which all maner of 
prouision for houshold is to be bought and sold, for ease and 
benefit of the countrie round about. Wherby as it cometh to 
passe that no buier shall make anie great iournie in the puruei- 
anee of his necessities: so no occupier shall haue occasion to 
trauell far off with his commodities. . . " 23 As with markets, 
so it was with the fairs, ". . . there are verie few of them 
(great towns) that haue not one or two faires or more within the 
compasse of the yeare assigned vnto them by the prince. And 
albeit that some of them are not much better than Lowse faire or 
the common kirkemesses beyond the sea, yet there are diuerse not 
inferiour to the greatest marts in Europe, as Sturbridge faire 
neere to Cambridge, Bristow faire, Bartholomew faire at London, 
Lin mart, Cold faire at Newport pond for cattell, and diuerse 
other, . . ." 

21 Northumberland Household Boole, 407. 

22 Brath-wait, 7. 

23 Harrison, op. cit., 339. 



108 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [382 

There were fairs in every month of the twelve, and by no 
means counting all of them, some four hundred, according to 
Harrison, kept, in almost as many different places. May was the 
favored month with some seventy-two, while February fell lowest, 
with but five. Sunday, or a festival, was as auspicious an open- 
ing day as another — thus Salisbury ushers in Twelfth-day with 
a fair, Worcester inaugurates one on Palm Sunday, while New- 
castle, and other towns as well, held them on Ascension day. 
Various of these fairs were of short duration ; others, like that at 
Northalerton in Yorkshire, were recurrent periodically, that par- 
ticular one holding every Wednesday from Christmas until June ; 
still others were famous for some specialty — thus on Michaelmas 
Day at Malton, was ' ' a noble horsse f aire. ' ' 24 

Noblemen usually patronized several different fairs even in 
the course of a year, and between them could get together a. wide 
variety of household stuff. In the late 15th century, Lord John 
Howard of Stoke, in Suffolk, bought supplies at Stoke, "Wol- 
pett" and Ely fairs, and at another called "oxsyn" fair. He 
relied upon these for part of his cattle and fish supply, and once 
for some cloth. 25 In 1513, the 5th Earl of Northumberland 
speaks simply of "fairs"; wherever these may have been, he had 
recourse to them for his wine, wax, beef, mutton, wheat, and 
malt. 26 In 1611-1612, the Earl of Rutland bought his hogs at 
Bingham fair, and his salt-fish, bay-salt, soap, starch, fish mats, 
pitch and tar, shovels and corn sacks, at Stourbridge. 27 

While a near-by fair was a handy asset to a neighborhood, as 
Harrison pointed out, some noblemen purchased supplies at re- 
mote centres, being influenced perhaps by the repute of the more 
distant marts. During the early 16th century, the Willoughbys 
of Wallaton in Nottinghamshire, whilst they made the usual pur- 
chases of cattle, cloth, spices, conserves, lenten food and kitchen 
utensils at fairs in adjacent counties, like Litchfield, Stour- 
bridge, Lenton, Newark, Birmingham, Chesterfield, Adylton, 
"Goose-fair" (Nottingham), and Fazesley, also secured cattle 

s* Harrison, op. cit., 343, 411-414. 

25 Howard Household Books (Collier), 99, 107, 187, 234, 286, 301, 307- 
308, 329. 

26 Northumberland Household Boole, 407. 

27 MSS. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 480-486. 



383] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 109 

from Gravesend, Braksted, and Cowden fairs, in Kent, and from 
"Wythyhain fair, in Sussex. 28 

Transactions at fairs were frequently important and costly, 
while getting purchased stuff safely home was not the least of the 
work connected with such buying. On September 8, 1482, Mas- 
ter Brame, one of Lord John Howard's men, bought cattle at 
Wolpett fair — 'twenty-seven of the "grettest steres" and "vij 
steres of lene ware" (i.e. unfattened), paying for them £17: 
12s :7d. 29 The year following the Steward laid out £24 :2s,, at 
Ely fair, securing seventeen great oxen, four hundred fish, and 
six couple of great ling; the cattle had to be put in pasture one 
night, which, with their keep, cost 12d., while fetching them 
home, came to 6s :8d. 30 Subsequently to their purchase, Thomas 
Purcer and five other men, with fifteen horses, were sent after 
the fish; they were gone for two days, putting up along the 
route, at places like Bury, Lavnham, and Newton, for r v esh- 
ment; at the fair they had to have a guide, whose ser~ t a 

penny, the "freight" of the fish amounted to 5s., which, wim 
costs of men and horses, totaled 4s :9d. ; Lord Howard had al- 
lowed a safe margin, giving to Percer 21s, for the job; at his 
home-coming, however, the latter promptly returned his cash in 
hand, and therewith with pronounced ' ' quit. ' ' 31 

In 1542-43, purchases of fish and oil at Stourbridge fair ag- 
gregated £22 :14s :ld., for the Willoughbys of Wallaton ; carriage 

2&MSS. of Lord Middleton, Litchfield, 342, 351, 372, 380, 387. Stour- 
bridge, 315, 316, 372, 387, 404, 432. Lenton, 332, 337, 374, 386, 435, 456. 
Goose Fair, 392. Newark, Birmingham, Chester, Adylton, Fazesley, 393. 

29 Howard Household Boolcs (Collier), 107. 

so Ibid., 301. I append the following interesting bit from Bound About 
a Great Estate by Eichard Jefferies (First American Ed., 68-69) : "In the 
old days, before folk got so choice of food and delicate of palate, there 
really seemed no limit to the strange things they ate. Before the railways 
were made, herds of cattle had of course to travel the roads, and often 
came great distances. The drovers were at the same time the hardiest and 
the roughest of men in that rough and hardy time. As night came on, 
after seeing their herd safe in a field, they naturally ate their supper at the 
adjacent inn. Then sometimes, as a dainty treat with which to finish his 
meal, a drover would call for a biscuit, large and hard, as broad as his 
hand, and, taking the tallow candle, proceed to drip the grease on it till it 
was well larded and soaked with the melted fat." 

si Howard Household Boolcs, 307-308. 



110 • THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [384 

home was done by one Michael Cossall, for 15s., while the costs 
of Ysebrand Barnaby and Thomas Hyde, at the fair, balanced at 
12s :9d. 32 That same year, June 1st, one hundred and eighty 
hogs were bought at Adylton fair, in Yorkshire ; ferriage had to 
be paid at Rotherham, over the Don, and "rewardes," "to the 
pynders helpynge to kepe the sayd hogges from the corne as they 
drove thorowe the f eldes. ' ' 33 

Sometimes, where convenient, transportation home was en- 
trusted to tenants. All the provisions which the Earls of Rut- 
land bought at Stourbridge fair went by way of Deeping boats 
to Deeping, at 6s:8d. the load of twenty hundredweight; there 
tenants carted it to Uffington at 6s. the load; Uffington tenants 
saw it forward to Belvoir at 6d. the cart "and horse meat and 
man 's meat at Belvoyre. ' ' 34 

Such parts of the year's supplies which were not, or could not 
be bought at fairs, were usually purchased at some neighboring 
market, or in the metropolis, simply out of hand, as chance of- 
fered ; Lord John Howard dickered out many a bargain directly 
with farmers, 35 and Stewards doubtless resorted to the same 
measures; Brathwait, in fact, speaks of a "yeoman purveyor" 
who was to assist the officers in this wise — he was ' ' to learn e out 
such farmers as will serve in Corne, and to bring them to the 
officers to bargaine for so many quarters of Wheate, Malte, 
Pease, and Oates, as is thought needefull : these bargaines would 
be made in May or June, and the corne not to be received vntill 
November following, and afterwards monethly, as shall be agreed 
upon : but the whole monye, or the greatest parte therof , would 
be paide at the making of the bargaine, for so may the Corne be 
boughte the better cheaper, provided that the Farmers be men of 
honesty and abillitye, and that they stande bounde to deliver in 
the Corne sweete and good, dried, and maulted, marketable with 
the best." 36 

Lord John Howard frequently made purchases at Colchester, 
while his wine and spice stores were secured at London. 37 In 

32 Lord Middleton's MSS., 387. 

33 Ibid. (The costs have been torn from the MSS. — Editor). 
s* Treatise on Provisions, MSS. of the Dulce of Rutland, 4, 481. 

35 See above, Chapter IV. 

36 Brathwait, 34. 

3T See above, Chapter IV. 



385] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 111 

1611, the Earl of Eutland bought Lent provision at Lynn Mart, 
whence it was conveyed to Brigge, and from there transported to 
Belvoir, by his Grace's tenants of Rapsley. 38 He went to Boston 
for his white and claret wine, vinegar, white salt, and iron — 
the latter "provision for the pharryar is made at Boston of 
Dansk (i.e. Danzig) or Spanish iron at £18 the tunne ; my Lordes 
proportion yearly being Xc. or half a tunne. ' ' The year's supply 
of sack, Muscadine and Rhenish wines, of spices and fruit, 
torches and drinking glasses, were fetched from London; still 
other necessities — glass and birch brooms — were got at New- 
ark, while the ". . . great well rope, being 70' yeardes, costes 
at Nottingham 33s. the small rope for the same being 360 yeardes, 
costes 18s," 39 

At the time the officers charged with supplying the house were 
given their gross emption lists, Michaelmas, at the commencement 
of the household year — purveyance began, and was continually 
under way, through the season. Much of the "store food" nat- 
urally, had to be secured at a particular date, or bought up at a 
sacrifice, if at all, while again, the exigencies of storage, or mere 
convenience, influenced purchase. Thus the Earl of North- 
umberland, in buying his beef, divided the purchase into two lots, 
one hundred and nine fat cattle being secured at Hallowe'en, 
which were ' l spent ' ' from then till the following midsummer ; at 
St. Helen 's day, in May, the remainder — twenty- four lean 
beeves, was bought up to be fattened in the home pastures for 
use through the summer months. Mutton, fat and lean, was also 
handled after this same fashion. 40 

Likewise, the Earl of Rutland, in 1611 bought his hogs, which 
had to be wintered, late in the fall — October — and his beef on 
May-day; part of the latter stock were oxen, which were first 
used for draught, when they were wintered and slaughtered 
from Christmas to Lamas. The rest of the beef were young 
steers and heifers, fattened for meat in one of the demesne 
parks. 41 

Lenten food, again, had to be procured by a specified time — 
it must be seasonably at hand for use, yet there was no economy 

38 MSS. of the Dulce of Eutland, 4, 481. 

39 Treatise on Provisions, MSS. of the Duke of Eutland, 4, 480-486. 

40 Northumberland Household Boole, 4-5. 

41 Treatise on Provisions, MSS. of the DuJce of Eutland, 4, 480-481. 



112 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [386 

in storing it longer than was necessary, so that Michaelmas, or 
Candlemas, was timely date for its purchase. 42 

Notwithstanding the inflexible operation of these forces, which 
could not well be overcome, it was, nevertheless, possible so to 
divide buying operations, that all the work and expense of pur- 
veyance were distributed. In 1512, Northumberland had pro- 
vided for four large annual payments from his coffers, to cover 
his entire provisioning expenses ; these four budgets in turn, were 
sub-divided into ten sums, running throughout the year; they 
fell due, as payments for food, at Michaelmas, Hallowe'en, St. 
Andrew's, Christmas, Candlemas, Lady-Day, Easter, St. Helen's, 
Midsummer, and Lamas; on, or between these dates, certain 
specified spplies had to be laid in. Thus, on Lady-Day, a large 
payment, as they ran — £158 : 19s : Id, fell due ; it sufficed to 
cover part of the annual purchase of wheat, malt, wine, hops, 
honey, oil, white salt, vinegar, mustard, spice, and coal. 43 

When supplies commenced to come in, it fell to the Comp- 
troller, assisted by the Clerks of the Kitchen, or similar officers, 
to manage the safe bestowal of everything, and notwithstanding 
the fact, that most purchases were contracted either by the lord 
himself, or his superior officers of household, the first duty of the 
Comptroller, upon receipt of goods, was to make a careful inspec- 
tion, to insure against short dealing ; Northumberland orders his 
clerks to ". . . see surely that every Grosse Empcion that is 
bought for th' expensis of my Lordis hous be brought in and to 
see whether it be abil Stuf or not after the price that is set upon 
it or (i.e., e'er) it be entered or occupyed" 44 (i.e., stored away). 
Further, these same officers were to ". . . see all manar off 
Grosse Empcions that ar boght to be entred furthwith in the 
Jornall Booke when thei ar bought." 45 This was a long ob- 

42 The 5th Earl of Northumberland and the Earl of Eutland both se- 
cured Lent food on this date. 

43 Northumberland Household Boole, 31. Note also that the food pur- 
chases for Lord William Howard of Naworth run right through every 
month of the year. See his Household BooTcs, 25-26, 44-48, 65-66, e.g. 

44 Northumberland Household Boole, 62. 

45 Ibid., 61. The Earl of Derby evidenced a special solicitude for his 
grain supplies — "IT'M the Yeoman of my Lo. his gard'n shall take into 
my Lo. his house noe sorte of Grayne but the Cheefe officer for the tyme 
attendinge shall see and vewe by what measure it is bought and cometh in 
to thende the said yeoman maye bee aecomptante therefore accordinlye and 



387] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 113 

served precaution; Brathwait also writes, "When come or Cat- 
tell are brought home, the saide Officers are presently to view the 
same, and then to take the particular prices of every thing, and 
to commend or disallow as ther is cause. . . " 46 

Once favorably passed upon, the supplies next fell to the par- 
ticular charge of the different officers instituted for that pur- 
pose — all, however, still under the surveillance of the Comp- 
troller and his servitors. Customarily, there were eight offices 
for the receipt and storage of supplies — food, fuel, and light, 
each presided over by a Yeoman and a Groom, carefully chosen 
and trained to the duties of their posts. These were the Garner 
or Granery, Cellar, Buttery, Larder, Pantry, Ewery, Scullery, 
and the Wood-yard. 

Into the Garner were delivered all the grains — wheat, oats, 
barley, rye, malt, pease, beans and vetches, as they came in, duly 
inspected by the officers, either from the demesne farms or by 
purchase ; whereupon, after the picturesque directions laid down 
for the garner-men, the wheat was strewn thinly on the floor 
"like to the waves of a small river, waved with a soft wind." 
It had to be stirred frequently until thoroughly dried so as to 
prevent heating. Malt, if nicely dried, was stacked in great 
heaps, but even so, it too, demanded watching — if its precincts 
were not cleanly swept, and the grain often turned up with 
shovels, weevils bred in it, and the pest, once established, were 
exceedingly hard to eradicate. Pease moulded unless looked to; 
treading on them prevented that calamity; oats, in their turn, 
were apt to get "fusty," so that, with all, these officers were well 
occupied men, at least, in season. 

All the wine store was carefully placed in the cellar, and pro- 
tected against "taking air." An expert Yeoman for the Cellar 
was a man "not given to rioting, but frugall and sparing, ex- 
perienced to make choice of wines, and so skilfull in tast, that he 
may be able to judge which wines are to be first spent, and which 
last kept." He must watch his Groom, to see that the cellar 
plate was "fair kept, and orderly placed in the plate chests and 
upon the cubbards," counting the same, morning and evening, 
and at once notifying the officers and instituting search, if any 

that all bee deliu 'ed by hime by Ormeschurche measure onlie. ' ' — Stanley 
Papers, Part 2, 21. 
46 Brathwait, 7. 



114 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [388 

piece were missing. ' ' His office must be cleanly kept, and swete, 
none being suffered to breake their fastes therein, except they 
be strangers of great accompt. ' ' 

The Buttery was the storehouse for brewed liquors, especially 
beers and ales. When the supplies were coming in, the groom 
of that office placed the hogsheads well, and after the beer 
"spurged" or defecated, saw to it that the casks didn't leak, and 
that they were well stopped with clay and bay salt; this done, 
and his ale ' ' yeasted and covered, ' r he was assured of being able 
to draw out his full number of gallons for service. As each brew 
came in, one tun, at least, was selected for the special use of the 
master of the house; this was not to be drawn on "much past 
the mid barre." This office, like the cellar, was an attractive 
locus in the castle, and its Yeoman had to be advised ' ' to avoid 
carousinge and to keep his office private to himself. " "Well 
equipped houses had an outer buttery, where strangers were 
given drink, the house Yeomen and Grooms accompanying 
them, otherwise the latter quenched their thirsts ' ' at the barre, ' ' 
and none but the chief officers were allowed in the room where 
the liquor was stored. The Yeoman of the Buttery saw "his 
buttery plate, stone Juggs, and blacke Jacks, to be faire and 
sweete kept" — which work was the Groom's, as well as keeping 
the office clean, broaching the barrels, and serving out the liquor. 

The dressed meats, fish, fresh and salt, butter, eggs, milk, herbs 
for seasoning, together with the salt, oatmeal, and other like food 
stuffs, were all kept in dry and wet larders, under the Yeoman of 
the Larder, who was perhaps the Yeoman of the Slaughter-house 
as well. He had " to be caref ull that all kindes of meate both in 
slaughter house and wet larder, be kepte safe from doggs, catts, 
and other vermine, and that noe powdered meates be lost 
throughe want of well salting and good keeping. . ." Cured 
fish, like ling and habberdine, was not simply to be stored up till 
needed for use, it had to be taken out and aired carefully, in 
March and October, and not spent until the third year. 47 

In every household, bread of various kinds, manchet, cheat, 
household, trencher, and sippet or dredge, 48 was baked in large 

47 Treatise on Provisions, MS8. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 481. 

48 See Appendix C for a contemporary description of these different sorts 
of bread. 



389] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 115 

quantities weekly; the entire stock was at once turned over to 
the Pan tiers, Yeoman and Groom, "by tale" . . . "and if 
the loaves be lesse than the size set downe by the officers, or that 
the breade be not well seasoned, or ill baked, ' ' straightway were 
the bakers to be informed thereof, and the fault amended. In 
addition to the bread, these officers were responsible for the salts, 
spoons and knives, keeping the same clean and accountable for 
every one of them. 

The household stock of linen — napkins, table-cloths, cup- 
board cloths, and serving towels, along with plate, like the ewers, 
or hand basins used for washing before and after meals, and the 
candlesticks, with all manner of lights — tallow, Paris candles 
and torches, were deposited in the ewery, under charge of the 
servitors of that office. The Yeomen and Grooms who looked 
after the plate and table-linens, had no light task, for in great 
households these goods were stored up in immense quantities. 
In 1469, George, Duke of Clarence purchased in his year's supply 
of linen, three hundred and fifty ells of Holland, forty ells of 
"Naperie of Devaunt," fifty ells of "Naperie of Parice," fifty 
ells of diaper, fifty ells of towels, three dozen napkins, and one 
dozen ' ' Napkyns of Parice. ' ' 49 The whole cost him no less than 
£58:15s:8d. 

In 1561, Edward, Earl of Derby laid out £51 : lis: 4d. in like 
manner. 50 While pewter plate was very extensively used, 
sumptuous ware in silver, silver gilt, and even in gold, was com- 
mon enough in some of these great houses. Harrison, writing of 
the English nobleman's manner of dining declares that "The 
chiefe part likewise of their dailie prouision is brought in before 
them (commonlie in siluer vessell if they be of the degree of 
barons, bishops and vpwards) . . ." and "As for drinke it 
is vsuallie filled in pots, gobblets, iugs, bols of siluer in noble 
mens houses, also in fine Venice glasses of all formes, . . . " 51 

In 1535, the Duke of Suffolk owned among other plate, the 
following rich pieces — of cellar plate, twenty-nine bowls, the 
heaviest weighing fifty-two ounces, one cup with a cover, one with 
a scallop shell, one "with liberties heddes" weighing fifty ounces, 

49 Eoyal Household Ordinances, 103-104. 
so Stanley Tapers, Part 2, 4. 
si Holinshed, 1, 280. 



116 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [390 

and a cup of assay ; twelve pots, including two with angels in the 
covers, two of antique work, and two with dolphins, weighing 
one hundred and twenty-eight ounces each. The ewery outfit 
consisted of six basins and ewers, gilt, the heaviest, one hundred 
and forty-five ounces, and fourteen candlesticks. In the scullery 
were two chargers, twelve platters, two dozen saucers, and three 
dozen dishes. The pantry contained four square salts, two bell 
salts with covers, one salt of roses, one ' ' salt of gold holden with 
(i.e. by) a shepherd and sett with perle and stone," and one 
"salt of gold like a shippe, with perle and stone"; twenty-one 
spoons, three dozen and one trenchers, while, in addition to these, 
there were two cruets of gold weighing twelve ounces, silver 
vessel weighing 1,467 ounces, 4,260 ounces of gilt plate, and fifty- 
six ounces of gold plate, the latter alone being valued by the 
appraisers at £112, while his lordship's entire stock was by 
estimate worth £1,475. 52 

The scullery was under Yeoman and Groom who were "to be 
men not onely diligent and painefull, but also honest and care- 
full, after every meale to gather into their office the silver and 
pewter vessels, and before they goe to seowring or washing, cer- 
tainely to number them, that none be missing ; if any be, present- 
ly to acquainte the clerke of the kitchen therewith, and every 
night to carry all the Silver vessell either to the Clarkes cham- 
ber, or to such a strong and safe place as shall be appointed for 
the same to stand in. ' ' Above all they dared not be dilatory in 
dressing up their plate ; they must be ready on call " '.. . . for 
the vessel cominge hotte from the water they bee clensed in, and 
presentlie to bee servide, is neather good nor wholesome. . ." 
These busy officers kept the sauces also — vinegar, verjuice, and 
mustard, and the Earl of Northumberland was careful to ap- 
point a scullery Groom who could mix the latter favorite condi- 
ment properly, to avoid its purchase from a ' ' sawcemaker. ' ' 53 

The wood-yard stored all the fuel, and might be under the reg- 
ulation Yeoman and Groom, or a clerk, assisted by the Ushers 
and Groom of the Hall. 54 If, as was usually the case, much of 

52 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 452-453. ' ' 1535, December 18. — The 
Hemayn of plate taken at Southwark on this date. . ." Plate like this 
was common in most of the great households. 

53 Northumberland Household Booh, 173. 
5i Ibid., 72. 



391] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 117 

the stock were purveyed from a lord's own forests, then these 
men perchance, were charged with the supervision of its prep- 
aration. In Northumberland's establishment, when the hard 
wood was brought home, these officers saw every "hundred" 
riven into three hundred ' ' shides, ' ' each a yard long and a span 
broad, and nicked with an axe, once, twice or thrice — so that in 
delivering out the wood for consumption, it was possible to tell 
how far each hundred went. 

Beside the bulk food or gross eruptions, purchased in large 
amounts, each household was regularly supplied with "fresh 
acates," or "cates" as they frequently were called, which might 
be toothsome dainties, especially offered by the season, or any 
sort of common provision, as meat, fish or vegetables, butter, eggs 
or cheese, bought up for use at once. 55 

This kind of food which enriched at least the menu of the lord 
himself and his principal officers, was an expensive part of the 
supplies, and a special purveyor, the Cator, or Achat or, attended 
to its purchase. In 1469, George, Duke of Clarence spent 
£608 : 6s : 8d. annually for " . . . f reshe acates and deynties, 
bothe of flesshe and fisshe, by reasonable estimation. " — an aver- 
age daily outlay of 33s : 4d. 56 The Earl of Northumberland 
counted on spending £105 : 15s: 4d. for "Cator Parcels" as these 
items were called, in 1512-1513, 57 while in 1561, Edward, Earl of 
Derby laid out £357: 5s: 8y 2 d., out of which £20: 14s: 7d., went 
for cheese and butter alone. His son, the Earl Henry paid 
for like food £50 : 9s : 4d., from May 7th to July 19th, of 1587, 
an average of £4 (plus) per week, the particular sums varying 
weekly from £8: 14s : 8y 2 d. to 42s: Id. 58 Still later, in 1611, 
similar food cost Lord William Howard of Na worth, £89: 
16s :7d. 59 

The Cator, like all officers charged with a responsibility, and 
especially a trust involving money-handling, had to be carefully 
chosen — • ' ' He should be a man skilf ull and of good conscience, 
for if he want knowledge and iudgement to buy at the best 

55 See Appendix D. 

56 Royal Household Ordinances, 102. 

57 Northumberland Household Booh, 26. 
ss Stanley Papers, Part 2, 5, 28, 33. 

59 Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 20 
et seq. 



118. THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [392 

hande, and withall have a cheverell conscience, so that he will be 
sure in the laying out of every shilling to gaine to himselfe a 
penny at the least; such a man in a great house will thrive him- 
selfe, but his Lorde shall lose. . . I say noe more but God 
make him an honest man. ' ' 60 

The Cator 's particular work is described by a contemporary 
as follows: "He is to inquire and looke for in the countrie, as 
he travelleth, what dainties there bee, as younge chickines, 
pidgeons, or suehe like, at the first comminge of them, and like- 
wise for fowle and fishe, of all sortes, accordinge to the seasonne 
of the yeare, and to bee acquainted with such foullers and fishers, 
as bee the best takers of foule and fishe, to bee accustomede with 
them so shall hee bee the best servide, and before others ; and to 
have a speciall care that such dead foule and fishe, as hee buyeth, 
bee newe taken, sweete and goode, for ells it is not serviceable, but 
monye loste, so bistowede. " 61 Sometimes, however, it proved 
convenient to entrust other little purchases to the Cator, since 
he went about daily. This was very customary with the Wil- 
loughbys at Wallaton, whose Cator at different times fetched 
home crockery ware, "glass for the musician's chamber," salts 
for the Hall, cloth, match and gunpowder, small pins, ink, soap, 
or so miscellaneous a budget as that brought in on November 
28th, 1573, made up of pans, chafing dishes, chamber pots, scum- 
mers, ladle, frying pans, platters, dishes, saucers, candlewick, 
well rope, clock rope, traces, halters, whipcord, etc. 62 

However adept a Cator proved himself to be, he seldom went 
about the purchase of food on his own responsibility. Regularly, 
each day or week, as the case might be, he received a written 
order, usually from the Clerk of the Kitchen, or Comptroller, 
relating the items he was to buy. To do this ordering well, 
both these other officers likewise had to know this side of pur- 
veyance thoroughly; in fact one of the regular duties of the 
Clerk of the Kitchen was to keep instructed about markets and 
goods: "So often as he can have convenient leasure, himselfe 
is to goe into the market, and ther to cheapen and vnderstand 
the prices of all Achates, . . Z' 63 The Comptroller was 

eoBrathwait, 34. 
6i Breviate, 339. 

62 M8S. of Lord Middleton, 425, 434, 438, 441, etc. 

63 Brathwait, 19. 



393] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 119 

equally as experienced if not more so — "Hee is to see into the 
seasonnes of the yeare, that what first reneweth, and is most rare 
and daintie, may bee gott, and that choice of those necessarie 
provisions bee provided for with varietie of dressinge for the 
lordes diete." 64 

Sometimes Clerk and Comptroller worked together in this 
labour, and they might have their responsibilities in regard to 
Cator parcels considerably lightened through orders received 
directly from the master of the house himself. In Northumber- 
land's establishment, these two servants dispensed his funds to 
the Cator monthly. Beforehand, however, the earl and his 
council had determined just the amounts of these monthly pay- 
ments, what was to be purchased with them, and where much of 
the stuff was to be got ; thus the parcels, chiefly of birds, to be se- 
cured weekly, monthly, and for the principal feasts, were all tab- 
ulated ; 65 the Cator was instructed to contract for milk and eggs 
by the year, 66 swans were to be secured from the estates, being 
paid for, after the market rate. 67 Wild fowl he must get 
". . . at the firste hand where they be gotten. . . For it 
is thought that the Pulters of Hemmyngburghe and Clif haithe 
great Advauntage of my Lorde Yerelie of selling of Cunyes and 
Wilde Fowel." 68 And lastly, he was caused to ". . . goo 
abrode to the Contry weikly for byinge of Stuf in suche Places 
as it is thoght it shal be best cheip and to by it seldomest about 
where my Lorde lyith except it may be had as good chepe there 
as other where/' 69 

While the Cator was in service daily, his work varied in ex- 
tent with the season of the year, festivals making the heaviest 
demand upon his time. Thus, in Northumberland's household, 
the total amount to be spent upon this sort of food in 1512, was 
divided into monthly payments, according to the estimated needs 
of each month — January, with Twelfth-day, cost the purse 
£23 : 22d. ; December fell to £17 : 9s. ; April, that year, with 
Easter and St. George 's day, was allowed £9 : 19s. : 5d. ; June, 

e^Breviate, 318. 

65 Northumberland Household Booh, 102-107. 

es Ibid., 108. 

67 Northumberland Household Boole, 103. 

eslbid., 184. 

wlbid., 63. 



120 • THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [394 

with Whitsunday, £9 : lis : 8d. ; while the other months ran from 
100s. to about 66s. apiece. 70 

When the Gator's stuff came in, it was transferred to the Yeo- 
man of the Larder, after first passing a careful muster before 
the Clerk of the Kitchen and the Comptroller, or other equally 
responsible officers, for, as Brathwaith declares ". . . I have 
knowne some cunning Achators that would decieve both Officers 
and Clarke, if they were not very heedeful. ' ' 71 

In Northumberland's establishment, here as everywhere, the 
utmost care was exercised regarding provision of this sort. In 
1512, his Grace ordered "ITEM that oone of the Clerkis of the 
Countynghous luke dayly upon the Catorer's Stuf that he 
bryngyth in and that it be broght up into the Countynghous 
and if it be not able Stuf nor worth the price that he sittythe 
upon it to delyver it hym again and not to be receyved ne oc- 
cupied for my Lordis use." And again — "ITEM that if the 
said Clerkis of the Brevements see the Catorer raise his prices 
of his Stuf otherwise than he was wont to doo then thay to reason 
with hym upon it And if thay see good caus why it shuld be 
raysed so to allowe it and if not to abait his price accordinge as 
it is worth. 72 

His goods passed upon, the Cator was then compelled to enter 
his items each morning at the general accounting, or else at 
night. 73 This was done under the eye of the Clerk Comptroller 
who was every day to ". . . se the Caitour Parcells enterid 
bitwixt the houres of vij and viij th o'th cloike And that he 
suffer not the Caitour to enter noo Parcells but that he knowes 
surely he dede bringe in And to se the said Parcells him selve 
examonid or he suffer theim to be enterid into the Jornall 
Booke. . ," 74 Finally, the parcels were ". . . cast up 
every moneth to knowe whoether they doo lak of the Somme 

to Ibid., 26. 

7i Brathwait says of the Clark's duties: "He is diligently to view over 
all the Achates brought in by the Aehator, and to take his Bills of the 
prices so soone as possibly he can. ' ' 19, 8. 

Breviate, on Comptroller's duties: "He is to take the weekelie ac- 
compte of the clarke of the kittchine, so well by journall, as the cator 's 
accompt or chardge. . ." 318. 

72 Northumberland Household Boole, 63. 

73 Ibid., 62. 
?Hbid., 408-409. 



395] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 121 

that is assign 'd for theym or ells they excede above the said 
Somme." 75 Henry, Earl of Derby also ordered all his acates 
paid for every week, and accounts of their purchase given weekly 
to the household clerks — " . . . otherwise, ' ' he declares ' ' the 
p'ces (prices) wilbe farre higher and his Lo. worse served." 76 

Naturally, if a lord so desired, he personally could both in- 
struct and pay his Cator, and attend to his accounting himself. 
Very frequently, Lord John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, or her 
Grace, his lady, assumed such work — thus the Steward writes 
under 9th December, 1482, "The same day, my Lord paid to 
Kychard Wulman for cattes come in afor Saturday nyght, 
37s. ' ' 77 — or, under 2nd January, 1483 " . . . my Lorde 
rekened with the Catour, and it drawe to hym dewe unto Sater- 
day last past 35s. : 7d. And so he is al paid to Saterday last 
past." 78 

In conclusion, regarding food supplies, very frequently some 
delicate morsel was furnished to a lord's board, through the 
exceedingly prevalent custom among the noblemen themselves, 
of exchanging food gifts, or in their receipt of such presents, 
sometimes from very humble, but grateful folks; whoever the 
the donor, he or his servant presenting the gift, was always re- 
warded by the recipient. So frequent was this pleasant practice, 
that most household books had their special ledger pages, cap- 
tioned "Gyftes and Rewardes," whereon among others, these 
food items were inscribed, with their recompense. 

During 1560, the Bertie Household at Grimsthorpe "re- 
warded" at least these following — "Mr. John Harrington's 
man . . . which brought in present a shield of brawne and 
puddings." "... a man of my Lord Clinton's which 
brought a feasant and three partridges; sondrye wyves which 
brought presentes uppon twelfe daye." "Mr. Gwevaras man 
which brought two oxen in present from his master. ' ' 79 

The Earls of Rutland, at Belvoir, also, were constantly re- 
ceiving all sorts of food gifts from about the neighborhood. 

75 Ibid., 65. 

76 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 21. 

77 Howard Household Books (Collier), 138. 

78 Ibid., 147. See also, in the same accounts, 155, 165, 168, 172, 185, 
186, 188, 199, 207, 227, 282, 283, 286, 289, 291, etc. 

79 Grimsthorpe House Papers, Household Accounts. 



122 • THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [396 

Through several years such presents included large amounts of 
venison, boars, many varities of fish and fowls, among which were 
frequently porpoise and bustard, and once a seal ; fruit in plenty, 
including cherries, apples, pears, grapes, strawberries, goose- 
berries, and even prepared dishes, like crane pasties. Some of 
the more notable folk making these gifts were the Earl of North- 
umberland, the Abbots of "Warden, Waltham, Peterboro and 
Crowland, which latter dignitary once presented the earl with 
"2 fat cygnets, 2 bittern, and 2 heronsews" — the Parsons of 
Rapsley and Waltham, the Vicar of Ryall, A Hermit of Alhal- 
lows, who, fitly enough, sent into the great house honey and 
gooseberries — Lady and Sir John Markham, Sir Bryan Staple- 
ton, Sir John Willoughby, Lord Latimer, Lady Coffyn and 
many others. 80 

Presents like these were made at any time ; but it was also the 
custom to send in gifts to a household about to entertain, or 
forced to a heavy expenditure through some unusual event, 
like a funeral, perhaps. Thus, to this same household, when 
the Earl Roger was buried, July 22nd, 1612, several men, all 
but one of whom were squires, sent swans, bucks and arti- 
chokes. 81 Against the sumptuous entertainment provided for 
King James, at Belvoir, which endured for fifteen days, com- 
mencing August 7th, 1612, numerous bucks, stags, muttons, 
fowls, together with fruit — plums and pears, were thoughtfully 
donated by some twenty-five different men, most of whom were 
knights, while two were earls — their Graces of Lincoln and 
Huntington. On both these occasions suitable rewards; were 
paid on receipt of the presents, those for the latter entertain- 
ment amounting to no less than £34 :6s. 82 

While not incharged directly with the purchase or storage of 
food and supplies, an interesting and highly important band of 
servitors, the "Kitcheners," or cooks, with their assistants, who 
prepared the food, stood in close relation with the household 
men who were thus employed. The number of Yeomen and 
Groom Cooks with their assistants, usually children, varied wide- 
ly in different establishments. Kitchen work in the Northum- 

so MSS. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 265-340. 
si Hid., 487. See also 489-490. 
82 Ibid., 487. 



397] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 123 

berland household required, early in the 16th century, all the 
time of a "yeoman cook of the mouth," as he was quaintly 
called, "Who doith hourely attend in the Kitching at the 
Haistry for roisting of Meat at Braikef estis and Meallis. ' ' Under 
him were the Groom Cook, who dressed the meats, and two chil- 
dren of the kitchen, one of which latter was on duty "for turn- 
yng of Broehes Ande for maiking clean ande sweping of the 
Kiching," while his little companion was responsible "for kep- 
ing of the Vessell Ande for maiking clean of the saide vessell in 
the Squillary. " 83 In 1539, the Earl of Eutland paid wages to a 
little group of eight men — two Yeomen Cooks, four Grooms, 
one of whom moved under the somewhat elemental appellation 
of Gudluke Worme, and two Scullery hands — William Grey- 
beard and Henry Green. 84 In 1587, the splendid Household of 
Henry, Earl of Derby, enrolled ten men in its kitchen and scul- 
lery service. 85 

All of these servitors were under the control of the head of- 
ficers of the household — the Steward, Comptroller and Clerks 
of the Kitchen — and received their daily orders from them. In 
1568, Edward, Earl of Derby ruled that all the ". . . Cookes 
and Undercookes shall obey all and ev'ry the Orders to be ap- 
poynted to theyme by the Steward, Clerk Compt', and Clerkes 
of the Kytchyn, as they will avoyde my L. his displeasure. ' ' 86 
Which terse regulations were in force universally. 87 

Under strict surveillance, the greatest care was exercised in 
selecting men for this work, the rules applying thereto suggest- 
ing at once some of the nauseating and even dangerous risks 
chancing from an incompetent or untrustworthy service. In 
1568, Edward, Earl of Derby ordered — "Item, that the Mais- 
ter and Cokes shall awayte quarterlie and but one of theym at 
ones, and that the same so waytyng shall not suffre anie under 
cooke or boye to dresse anie of my L. meate for his Lordshyppes 
own Table but they onely to do the same w th theyr own handes 
as they wyll for the same avoyd his L. dyspleasure, and allso that 
they shall not suffre anie to be in the kytchyn whe 'e my L. meate 

83 Northumberland Household Book, 325, 308. 

s* MSS. of Duke of Butland, 4, 298-299. 

85 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 25. 

selbid., 9. 

8T Brathwait, 19, 33. Breviate, Archaeologia, XIII, 335-336. 



124 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [398 

shall be dressed but suche as shall there be allowed to make 
ffyres and turne the Broches and other neeessarie helpes there 
and that th assaye shall be taken at the kytehyn. " "Item that 
there shall be no resorte into anie place of the kytchin by anie 
other but suche as be there allowed and apperteyninge to that 
Offyce." 88 

Even in the royal household, idle, dirty habits on the part of 
some of the kitcheners had to be guarded against. In some reg- 
ulations drawn up by King Henry the 8th, with his Council, in 
the 22nd year of his Majesty's reign, it was enjoined, among 
other orders: "Cap. 37. Master-cooks shall employ such scul- 
lions as shall not go about naked, nor lie all night on the ground 
before the kitchen-fire."! 89 

Brathwait, as usual, draws a somewhat realistic characteriza- 
tion of the Master Cook ; he " . . . should be a man of yeares, 
well experienced, wherby the yonger cookes will be drawne the 
better to obey his directions. . . In ancient times they used 
to have their hayrres on their heade close cut and neare ; and in 
like sorte their bearde, or els to be shaven: not to weare long 
glibbes full of sweate and filth, as many in these dayes doe ; for 
good and painefull Cookes have not leasure dayly to kombe and 
trimme their hayre, but onely to wash their face and handes, to 
be cleane; for a carefull Cooke will thincke it is a great shame 
and disgrace to him, that an hayre should be founde in any dish 
by him set owt; for albeit the yonger Cookes both dresse and 
dish many of the dishes served to the Earles messe, yet ought 
the Master Cooke well to view them, and also to tast every of 
them before he suffer them to be served forth. Many Cookes 
are given to be great drinckers, wastefull and testye; therefore 
that Nobleman that hath one that is honest, sober, and frugall, 
is to esteeme him as a Jewell. ' ' 90 

The only touch added by the contemporary author of the 
Breviate, is an injunction that the Cooks be discreet and diligent 
in their offices ". . . for that nothinge preserveth his lordes 
health more than the clenlie and wholesome dressinge the sayd 
meate, and they to bee private, and none to bee by, or privie to 

ss Stanley Papers, Part 2, 8-9. 
89 Archaeologia, III, 155. 
so Brathwait, 31-32. 



399] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 125 

the usage therof, but the clarke of the kittchinge, the stewarde, 
or the comptroller, therefore they are to keepe theire offices, 
vidz. the kittchine, pastree, and the boylinge place, onlie to them- 
selves, the better they shall attend theire service to the lorde, for 
if any thinge bee amisse, the blame is theirs, wherefore the 
kittchine dore is to bee kepe lockte, that none bee there to 
trouble them, nor hanginge over the meate, which is most un- 
comly and dangerous. ' ' 91 

No less care was bestowed upon the problem of supply con- 
sumption than was accorded the purchase, receipt and storage of 
stock; the whole process was carefully systematized and heavily 
fortified with rules, checks and counter-checks, so numerous 
were the temptations and the opportunities for dishonesty, and 
so wide the division of responsibility. Every servant in control 

91 Breviate, ArcJiaeologia, XIII, 335-336. John Earle, in his Micro- 
cosmographie (1628), writes of "A Cooke" as follows: 

"The Kitchin is his Hell, and hee the Diuell in it, where his meate and 
he frye together. His Reuennues are showr'd downe from the fat of the 
Land, and he enterlards his owne grease among to helpe the drippings. 
Oolericke hee is, not by nature so much as his Art, and it is a shrewd 
temptation that the chopping knife is so neare. His weapons offer of- 
fensiue, are a messe of hot broth and scalding water, and woe bee to him 
that comes in his way. In the Kitchin he will domineere, and rule the 
roste, in spight of his Master, and Curses is the very Dialect of his Calling. 
His labour is meere blustering and furie, and his Speech like that of 
Sailors in a storme, a thousand businesses at once, yet in all this tumult hee 
do's not loue combustion, but will bee the first man that shall goe and 
quench it. Hee is neuer good Christian till a hizzing Pot of Ale has slak't 
him, like Water cast on a firebrand, and for that time hee is tame and dis- 
possess His cunning is not small in Architecture, for hee builds strange 
Fabricks in Paste, Towres and Castles, which are offered to the assault 
of valiant teeth, and like Darius his Pallace, in one Banquet demolisht. Hee 
is a pittiless murderer of Innocents, and hee mangles poore foules with 
vnheard of tortures, and it is thought the Martyrs persecutions were deuised 
from hence, sure we are Saint Lawrence his Gridiron came out of his 
Kitchin. His best facultie is at the Dresser, where hee seemes to haue 
great skill in the Tractikes, ranging his Dishes in order, Militarie: and 
placing with great discretion in the fore-front meates more strong and 
hardy and the more cold and cowardly in the reare, as quaking Tarts, and 
quiuering Custards, and such milke sop Dishes which scape many times the 
fury of the encounter. But now the second Course is gone vp, and hee 
downe into the Sellar, where hee drinkes and sleepes till foure a clocke in 
the af ternoone, and then returnes againe to his Regiment. ' ' — Arber 's Eng- 
lish Reprints, pp. 46-47 (Large Paper Edition). 



126 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [400 

of supplies, regularly accounted in a journal the exact amounts 
of provision he received, and what he delivered forth. If he 
could not write himself, then he either kept a "true tally," or 
some superior officer — the Clerk of the Kitchen, or the Clerk 
Comptroller entered his items for him. 

Stock was always issued strictly according to the "Order of 
Household" — a series of rules for expenditure, drawn up in 
each establishment, usually by the lord himself, and his do- 
mestic council. These rules were frequently very detailed, 
often covering for the year, every variety of supply consump- 
tion, from Lenten breakfast menus, to the daily rations for the 
horses. 92 If there were any expenditure not so regulated in ad- 
vance, such received attention each day from the Clerk Comp- 
troller, who made "such allowances forthe of those provisions 
. . . as to his discretion shall seeme meete, so well to his 
lordes table, as all other places to him appointede by his lorde, 
ells where soever." 

Dinners and suppers were repasts with flexible menus so that 
the arrangements for those meals fell to this officer, or to the 
Clerk of the Kitchen, or perhaps to a whole group of servitors 
connected with the culinary department, as in the household 
of George, Duke of Clarence, where it was ordered that 
". . . the Steward, the Tresorer, the Countroller, the clerke 
of the kichyn, the marshalle, the ussher, pantrers, butlers, 
cookes, lardeners, catourers, and suche other officers, at twoe of 
the clocke at aftyrnoone, assemble in the halle, and there or- 
deigne the fare of the seide Duke and his household, for the 
souper the same nighte, and the next daye's dynner; and the 
marshalle or usher to bringe brede, wine, and ale, to the seid 
ordinaunce, aceordinge to olde custome of the courte. ' ' 93 Ed- 
ward, Earl of Derby, in 1568, commands his Comptroller and 
Clerk of the Kitchen ". . . allso to appoynt my L. ffare 
theym selves as they will avoyd his L. displeasure. ' ' 94 

92 Northumberland Household Boole; Stanley Papers, Part 2; Household 
Accounts of the Hulte of Clarence, the Breviate, and Brathwait's Treatise, 
all contain such regulations. 

93 Royal Household Ordinances, 94. The wood-yard Yeoman had to see 
"that noe more be delivered out, either to the chambers or offices, but as 
it is allowed by the Officers ; ' ' however, ' s the Earles and Ladies chambers 
excepted, which are not to be stinted." 

94 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 9. 



401] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 127 

Every morning each Yeoman or Groom received his order 
from the Comptroller or Clerk of the Kitchen, for the day's de- 
liveries. Thus the Pantlers regularly learned ". . . what 
breade is to be allowed into the gentlewomens chambers and the 
nurcery, as also into all other offices for drinckings, in morn- 
ingys, evenings, and afternoons : and in the like sorte the yeoman 
of the Buttery is to doe for beere, and the yeoman of the Ewry 
for lightes, ' ' The slaughterman too, was so informed regarding 
his work. Some of the servitors were allowed a guarded discre- 
tion in issuing supplies — the Yeoman of the Cellar received his 
direction from the chief officers " . . . what wine he shall de- 
liver to the gentlemens tables and to strangers; to the officers 
table he is to send as they send for it : The Earle or Ladies table 
is not to be stinted, ' ' but ' ' He is to know when to be liberall and 
when sparing; for if vnder officers be men experienced and of 
good order, their doings will not only be profitable to their Lorde, 
but also set out the honour of his housekeeping. ' ' A good But- 
tery Yeoman was a man " . . . able to discerne at what time 
to use liberallitie, and when to deal more sparingly. ' ' 

The order for each day filled and scheduled by every yeoman 
officer, none dared, under penalty, issue another thing from his 
stock but by a special command ; in fact, except during the hours 
their servitors were on duty, offices were under lock and key. 
In 1469, George, Duke of Clarence ordered all offices "sparred" 
between eight and nine at night, and further, " . . . That no 
mannere man, of what degree soever he be, breake noe doores ne 
windowes, ne picke lockes, by nyght ne by daye, of any house of 
office, wherein the seid Duke's goodes lieth, withoute it be by 
commaundemente of the offices; uppon payne of lesinge of a 
monethes wages. ' ' 95 

In the Northumberland establishment, in 1512, the offices were 
closed during part of the day as well — " . . . all the Officers 
of Household bring upp there KEIS of ther Offices every night 
when my Lorde is servid for alle nighte into the Counting-hous 
AND that they have them not down unto the tyme that they 
have Brevidde (i.e. accounted for stock) in the mornying With- 
oute an Usher A Yoman of the Chaumber of (or?) an Heed 
Officer Servaunte com for them ANDE also that the saide Of- 

ss Eoyal Household Ordinances, 90-91. 



128 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [402 

fieers bryng up there saide KB IS into the Counting-hous every- 
day when the Latter Dynner is doon And to fetche theim agayn 
at iij of the Clock to serve for Drinkings. ' y 96 The duty of see- 
ing that the keys of each office were actually in after breakfast 
at nine, dinner at three, and liveries in the evening, devolved 
upon the Clerk Comptroller, who called for them, if they were 
not forth coming. 97 

Injunctions against the promiscuous use of any sort of pro- 
vision, were insistent in every household. In 1469, the Duke of 
Clarence orders "that the ussher of the chambre shalle sette 
lyverey for alle night for the seid Duke, by vij or viij of the 
clocke at the ferthest, onlesse then there be cause to the con- 
trarye; . . . and that noe lyverey be made after that the 
Duke is served for alle nyght ; . . . uppon payne of losinge 
a dayes wages. ' ' A further ruling declares ' ' That noe lyvereys 
of brede, wyne, ale, or vytell, be made oute of the halle to the 
stable, ne to none other office ne place, without e cause reason- 
able; and alsoe by the oversight and commaundement of the 
hedde officers and the ministers, for the tyme beinge." The 
Groom-porter was to "fetche noe woode, white lightes, ne wax, 
more than reasonably ought to be spent, and that by oversight 
of the ussher of the chambre; and that he delyver noe torche 
. . . of the place withoute commaundmente of the hedde 
officers or usshers ; and that he bringe dayly the torches . . . 
afore noone to the chaundry to be weyed: and as often as he 
offendeth thereof, to leese a dayes wages." 98 

Identical ordinances were formulated in the Northumberland 
household in 1512; if any servitor's stock issues passed above the 
normal, and he could show no legitimate reason therefor, the ac- 
counting officers checked it as a "deficient" and the culprit was 
called to explain himself. 99 No records of wine served by the 
cellar officers for "drinkings" or to the Great Chamber, were 
passed except such as were certified by accounts of receipts kept 
by the Ushers of the Hall and of the Chamber, which latter of- 
ficers had to be present at the accountings. 100 The accountant 

96 Northumberland Household Boole, 163-164. 

97 Ibid., 409. 

98 Boyal Household Ordinances, 90, 91. 

99 Northumberland Household Boole, 160. 
ioo Ibid., 160. 



403] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 129 

Clerks were bound to ". . . Allowe no BRAIKEFASTS that 
ar servid by any Officer But suieh as ar appointed in the Bille 
of Braikefasts Excepte it be by the Comaundement of an Heade 
Officer an Usher of the Chaumber or of the Hall." 101 The very 
same law applied to liveries. 102 

The records of receipt and outlay, daily kept by all the of- 
ficers of provisions, served as a control over supply expenditure, 
at least from one end of the system ; other accounts of prepared 
food, about to be served forth, were likewise written daily by a 
different group of officers; a comparison of these two sets of 
books, unless fraud were exceedingly clever, would probably re- 
veal any deceit perpetrated. Either Gentlemen or Yeomen 
Ushers of the Great Chamber and Hall kept records for the 
Duke of Clarence, of bread, wine, ale and messes of meat, as 
spent, every day, at dinner and supper. 103 Northumberland's 
Ushers made similar records, while the earl compelled his 
". . . Clerke Coumptroillour to be dailly at the Dressour to 
se the Service servid from the Dressour Bicause of Bribing of 
service at the Dreassour Viz. Bitwixt viij th and ix th o' th cloike 
in the mornyng to se the Brekefastis servid Bitwixt x and xjth 
o' th cloike on th' Etting Daies And bitwixt xjth and xijth of 
the Fasting Daies to se the Dynner servid And bitwixt iiij and 
v o' th cloike at after Dynner to se the Souper servid." 104 

Finally, at no time in the course of provision handling, were 
servants left to their own devices ; superior officers — the Comp- 
troller, or the Clerks of the Kitchen, were in constant round of 
inspection ; each office in the house was visited, its condition esti- 
mated, and accounts surveyed. The overseer's aim was always, 
in the words of Northumberland's regulation to ". . . see 
that the service that is appointed in the Booke of Direccions for 
th' Expensez of my Loordes Hous be observed and kept withoute 
inbridgementt ande to be examyned every day what lakks there- 
of to the ententt that the Officers shall not parlune it to there 
prouffitt if there be any butt that it rynne oonely to my Loordes 
prouffit." 105 

101 Northumberland Household Book, 161. 
102/Znd., 161. 

103 Boyal Household Ordinances, 91. 

104 Northumberland Household Boole, 409. 

105 Northumberland Houselwld Boole, 115. 



130 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOE NOBLEMAN [404 

Surveillance commenced in the early morning, at six o'clock 
in this establishment, when the Larderer and Cooks were called 
out and the officers saw them strike out the services of food for 
the day as appointed, ". . . to th' ententt that they shall 
nather maike it lesse nor more for excedinge Bott accordynge to 
the Order of the Book. ' ' 106 In their rounds they attended to so 
minute a care as measuring the pots and cans of the cellar and 
buttery, so that if the officers asked for a larger allowance of 
liquor than the vessels would warrant, the mis-dealing would 
be discovered and the "deficient" promptly recorded. 107 Were 
there a baking on, the Clerk Comptroller would be at hand 
". . . to see the Breid weaid that it keape the weight ac- 
cording to the said stinte in the saide Booke of Ordours." Fur- 
ther, this same ubiquitous man daily had " . . . an Ey to the 
Slaighter Hous at all tymes whenne any Viaundes shall be slaine 
their And their to se the Suette clynne taikynne owt withoute 
any Bribe And their weaid and brought into the Storehouse be- 
longing the Countinghouse and from thens by the Clerks de- 
livert to the Chaundler be weighte from tyme to tyme at (as) 
he shall occupie it And also that he se the Slaighter Manne 
maike the Vaillis (i.e. rewards) noo larger thanne he ought to 
doo." 108 

If all this precaution did not avail to keep things running 
honestly and after the "stint," a final and supreme effort at 
regulation was made through the daily breving or accounting, 
done before special clerks known as the Clerks of the Breve- 
ments, who might have the assistance of other clerks in the 
household in their work. In Northumberland's House, this 
breving was done in the counting house, commencing at seven 
o'clock a.m., and continuing until eight-thirty. Every officer 
passed up in the order of his rank, and had his accounts for the 
day examined; when this was done, the records were forthwith 
entered in the book of the brevements, under each officer's sur- 
name, to avoid checking any deficient against the wrong man. 109 
No breakfasts could be served until this work was finished, and 

106 Northumberland Household Booh, 116, 408. See also, Stanley Papers, 
Part 2, 9, and Royal Household Ordinances, 93. 
io7 ibid., 173. 
los IUd., 409-410. 
109 Northumberland Household Booh, 128, 59, et seq. 



405] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 131 

every man was bound to appear for brevement or be reported to 
the head officers as a delinquent. 110 

As the accounting clerks had all the household orders, the 
books of the officers receiving and dealing out provisions, to- 
gether with those accounts kept at meal times by the Ushers, 
and as it was the special duty of men like the Ushers to report 
at the brevements any deficiency in the service of any officer, 111 
the breving must have proved an intricate but withal efficacious 
system for order and exactitude in the entire household supply 
service. 

Part of the breving fell weekly or monthly : thus the tallies of 
baked goods and brewings were entered in the Journal Book 
weekly when the bread and beer were delivered to the Pantler 
and Buttery-man; at the same time corresponding tallies were 
delivered to the Baker and Pantler, Brewer and Butler. Meats 
also, were recorded once a week, before both the Yeoman of the 
Larder and the Slaughterman ; while once a month, the clerks 
saw the reckoning made before them in the Counting-house, be- 
tween the Glover and the Slaughterman, for mutton skins, and 
between the Chaundler and the Slaughterman, for the beef and 
mutton tallow, and between the Yeoman of the Pantry and the 
Baker, for flour. 112 The hour set for this accounting with 
Bakers, Brewers and Butcher, was one o'clock in the afternoon, 
and some one of the earl's council had to be present, upon 
which ruling his Grace insisted "As they wolle avoide my 
Lordes despleasure ande stonde at theire Jeopardy for the con- 
trary doying." 113 

In addition to these daily entries of supplies coming in and 
spending, these Clerks of the Brevements cast up an average, or 
"pie' of all household expenses once a month, in the form of a 
bill; they also made out the remainder of all stock on hand 

no Ibid., 60. 

in < < ITEM that the Ushers of the Chambre and of the Hall se whether 
the Potts be fyllid as they oght to be when th' Officers brynges theym or 
not And if they be not then they to shew it to the said Clerkis at the 
Brevynge And they to reforme it. ITEM that the said Clerkis of the 
Brevements inquyre every day of the Ushers at the Brevynge what Defawtts 
they fynde with th' Officers and the said Clerkis to reform the same." — 
Northumberland Household Boole, 64. 

112 Northumberland Household Boole, 60-61. 

us Ibid., 170. 



132 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN" [406 

monthly, and at the year's end figured out similar bills for the 
twelvemonth, together with an account of any cash balance on 
hand, due to securing some provision more cheaply, perhaps, 
than its cost had been estimated. 114 Northumberland's order 
for his "Bill of Remainder" voices handsomely his economic 
principles, as well as that round-about style his clerks so well 
affected — ' ' ITEM it is Ordeyned by my Loorde and his Coun- 
saill at every Yeres ende that the Accompt of the Hous endes of 
That there shal be at every such Yere ending of the saide house- 
holde a Bill to be maide of the Remeineth of such Stuf as re- 
meines unspent provided and bought in the Yere afforesaide 
With the Names of the Parcells every parcell by it self With the 
price that it was bought fore And the daie of the moneth that it 
was boughte on The said Bill to be a Memorandum to be put in 
the Book of Householde for th' Ordre of the hous of the New 
Yere thorrow the levis of the Book which is ordened for the hous 
Bicaus they shall not have it written in the said Book because the 
Some of the Remeineth Yerely is not certayn and therefore the 
Parcells thereof is thrawn in the Somes of the Parcells of the 
Somes of Money bicaus the Parcells of the Remaneth cannot 
keep always a certayn Some but some Yere more and som Yere 
les as the case doth require nor always one manner of Parcells to 
be the Remaneth nor of like valor as they be other Yeres bicaus 
the Stuf that is best cheep which must be expended the most of 
that stuf is best to be provided and bicaus that the said Re- 
maneth of the Stuf unspent of the Yere affore ended shal be the 
first Som paid in partie of payment of the Some of th' Assign e- 
ment apointed for the keping of my Lordes hous for the New 
Yere Wherefore this said Article is maide for the knowledge of 
th' ordre thereof bicaus it shal be Yerelie the first Som and 
Parcell paid for the hous. ' ' 115 

All of this book-keeping required part or all of the services of 
no fewer than eight clerks — the Clerk Comptroller, the first 
and second Clerk of the Kitchen, the Clerks of the Spicery, 
Brevements, Counting-house, Garner, and the Clerk Avenar. 
Four of these — the second Clerk of the Kitchen, and his fellows 
of the Spicery, Brevements, and the Clerk Avener, were under 

mlbid., 130. 

us Northumberland Household Boole, 119-120. 



407] SUPPLY PURVEYANCE 133 

the Clerk Comptroller. 116 He called them out to commence 
work in the Counting house, at four o'clock, a.m. — each to his 
particular accounting. The Clerk Comptroller himself, kept a 
"correcting journal" of all the supplies daily coming in, and 
when these accounts were verified, either by himself, or hy the 
officer charged with household management for the year, they 
were, under the supervision of the Clerk Comptroller "en- 
grossed" in a "clear Journal Book," by the Clerk of the 
Spicery, who accounted for brevements of meat and drink 
also. 117 The Clerk Comptroller, likewise, was responsible for 
keeping the household expenses after their rating, and therefore 
he had leisure every day ■ ' in the mornynge af oire Brekef ast and 
an oithir houre to study and every after noon afoire Drinkingis 
peruse over in the Booke of Ordoures of the House ... by 
(which) he shall se theim observid according to th' Ordours in 
the said Booke. " 118 

The second Clerk of the Kitchen, who saw the food supplies 
delivered to every office daily, and the victuals struck out for 
service, kept a " correcting-book " of all meal ratings. 119 This 
also, was subsequently re-written in another book, by the Clerk 
of the Brevements, or the Clerk of the Counting-house. The 
Clerk Avener kept daily accounts of horse feed and fuel, at- 
tended to their distribution, and saw those supplies locked up 
after the services of stock for the day were issued. 120 The Clerk 
of the Kitchen did the daily breving of officers, 121 while the 
breving book for all the grain supplies was kept by the Clerk of 
the Garners. 122 It was the Clerk of the Kitchen also, who av- 
eraged up the monthly accounts, "On day clere at the ende of 
every Monith through e owte the Yeire" being allowed him for 
that purpose. 123 Office was open at six o'clock, a.m., at one 
o'clock, p.m., and in the evening until eight o'clock, since all of 

lie Ibid., 408. 

117 Northumberland Household Boole, 392-393, 408. 

us Ibid., 409. 

us Ibid., 329, 393. 

120 Ibid., 394. 

i2i Ibid., 329. 

122 Ibid., 329. 

123 Ibid., 406. 



134 . THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [408 

each day 's accounts were " . . . cast up the said night or the 
Clerkes goo to bed. . ." 124 

Regulations to achieve the purpose so elaborately striven for 
by the 5th Earl of Northumberland, were worked out in every 
household. The Duke of Clarence compelled his head officers 
"every Mondaye," to "take the remanentes in every office, and 
incontinent after to calle afore them the officers of the seid 
housholde, and the rolles of the pantrey, kychen, spicery, and 
stable . . . the expenses thereof . . . and to see dailey 
brefements, where they be accordinge to the expenses made one 
weeke afore by the dockette, whereby shall be perceived if there 
be any defaute in any office, that it be redressed and refourmed, 
and the trespassour punished by the discression of the officers; 
and if any of the clerkes fayle in that to them belongeth, to leese 
ijs. at ^very defaute. ' ' 125 Every accountable officer, Bakers, 
Pantlers, Butlers of wine and ale, Clerks of the Spicery, Larder, 
Scullery, Stable, and Ushers of the Hall, had to attend each 
Monday, when this "remain" was taken. 126 This was in 1469; 
in 1586, Henry, Earl of Derby had his weekly brevements, 127 
and either the Steward or the Comptroller was in attendance 
regularly from Friday night until Monday morning to oversee 
that important work. 128 

In such fashion was managed the particular work of supply 
purveyance, storage and issuage. The manner in which the 
business was conducted was of great interest to every soul in a 
household, but especially so to the master himself, who had to 
pay for everything, and who ran the constant risk of being 
cheated or in some way short-changed, unless he kept hand well 
in the business and eye ever upon his servants. 



124 Northumberland Household Boole, 406. 

125 Eoyal Household Ordinances, 93. 
its Ibid., 93. 

127 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 13. 
izalbid., 22. 



CHAPTER VI 

FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 

In great expenses very few hath ever seen together the hundredth part 
of that was wasted; and princes that hath ever bene frugall, in my observa- 
tion, hath bene acquainted with the grosse of there treasure at somme 
tymes, with there owen eies. The humor is so tickling and easy, when any 
affections or desires doe move, to say, — ' ' boroughe, sell, buy, pay, give, ' ' 
— >as the evill is not knowen before the smart is felt; and yett shall he 
never behold more for it, than an Auditor's collection once in a yeare, or 
once in his lyfe, perhaps never. 

— > The 9th Earl of Northumberland to his son. 

Beware thou spend not above three or four parts of thy revennews; nor 
above a third part of that in thy house. For the other two parts will do 
no more than defray thy extraordinaries, which always surmount the ordi- 
nary by much: otherwise thou shalt live, like a rich beggar, in continual 
want. And the needy man can never live happily nor contentedly. For 
every disaster makes him ready to mortgage or sell. And the gentleman 
who sells an acre of land, sells an ounce of credit. For gentility is nothing 
else but ancient riches, so that if the foundation shall at any time sinke, 
the building must needs followe. 

— Burghley to his second son, Robert Cecil. 

The large sums of money which had to he readily available in 
the management of a great household, came out of the lord 's in- 
come from his estates. Where such estates were vast, and they 
generally were so among the class of noblemen here described, 
the expert services of several officers were hired to insure their 
wise exploitation. These officers were the Surveyor, Auditor 
and Receiver-General, with under Receivers, perchance, as in the 
Northumberland household. There were establishments which 
did not boast of all three servitors, but in such, a wider responsi- 
bility was cast upon the Steward and Comptroller. 1 

1 Brathwait, 3. ' ' He may have an Auditor, and a Eeceiver ; but theese 
are extraordinary, and two of the cheefe Officers (being men of experience) 
may supply those places; the one in taking accompt, the other in receiving 
rents and promts, and thereby free the Earl from fees that belong to those 
Officers. ' ' 

135 



136 . THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [410 

The Surveyor's was a various work, 2 which., if it were well 
done, required on his part great practical wisdom, and an acute 
speculative sense. With him rested the very important duty of 
estate evaluation, to the end that its utmost worth might he care- 
fully assured to his master. He operated under a warrant by 
the lord's hand, and was first responsible for making general 
surveys of all estate lands and property, wherever they lay; by 
these surveys, the findings of which were duly recorded in a 
book, the nature and quality of the lands were discovered. 
Arable, pasture, meadow and woodlands were distinguished, 
while in regard to the latter, their character was further speci- 
fied, for example copse or sherewood, 3 as the case might be, ' ' for 
that theire commodities doe arise severallie. " 

This portion of his labour fulfilled, the Surveyor had next to 
deliver to the Receiver-General a "perfect rentall," which was 
a book based on his surveys, and signed by himself ; through its 
information the Receiver was well equipped to get in the sums 
of money justly due him from tenants. A rental book of this 
sort, made out by a servitor for Lord William Howard of Na- 
worth, in 1611, discloses the detailed accuracy involved in the 
compilation of these statistics. 4 Its caption asserts that "At 
Naward Castle at the Auditt ther holden the 14° December. A 
Dni 1611, weare the parcells ensuing delivered by the Auditor 5 
for the true cleare vallues uppon the foote of every particular 
Account. ' ' 

The work is made out in Latin, and in it appear the rentals 
down to a farthing, of all messauges, manors, bailiff's offices, 
meadows, mills with toll grain, and demesne lands, together with 

2 All the facts which follow, unless otherwise indicated, are derived from 
the ' ' Breviate ' ' above described. 

3 "Sherewood" may be either wood which is clear, and free from knots 
and blemishes, suitable for building purposes, or it may be wood of a size 
to be split for burning. 

4 The Household BooTcs of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 
Appendix vii, 413-416. 

s While the Auditor appears to have been responsible for these statistics, 
the book, if made out by him, was probably similar to the "rentals" for 
which the Surveyor was held responsible. It is possible that one man was 
both Surveyor and Auditor for Lord William Howard, or it may have been 
that this was the work of a Surveyor, which was used by the Auditor. 



411] FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 137 

court perquisites, which yearly made up Lord "William's snug 
income. The various sources of income, except the demesne 
lands, were grouped and the totals struck, by counties, and the 
neat tabulation concludes as follows, establishing its grand total : 
"Summa totalis of the cleare yearlely revenew this yeare, end- 
ing at Martinmas, 1611, aunswered by the several bailiffes and 
receivors in the County aforesaied as above particulerly patet, 
M.M.M. cclxiiij. 11 xj. s j. d To which the profit of the Stock and 
store remaininge uppon the Lord's demeanes above mentioned, 
viz. 1110 cattle of all sorts and 3000 sheepe, accounted for this 
yeare, and paied in by Thomas Waters the Storer, besides that 
which was of all kindes of provision delivered in by him to the 
house at Naward Castle, Dcxx. n 

In toto, summis conjunctis, ut supra patet, MMM. Dccciiij. xx 
iiij." xj. s j. d " 

In addition to this book, rentals had also to be made out by 
the Surveyor, signed, and turned over to the several bailiffs man- 
aging estate farms, so that at the audit he could hold them on 
their accounts if it were necessary. 

Outside the general survey, this important officer was further 
charged to make a secret survey of all the estate so that he could 
ascertain where it was possible to exploit any commodity, or in 
any way enhance his lord's profits. This included looking 
". . . into all perticuler farm.es, so well in lease, as out of 
lease, where by his knowledge, the lorde may make his com- 
moditie or proffits thereof, as occesione shall arise from tyme 
to tyme." It meant, likewise, that this man of clever insight 
must be alert on his rounds to ferret out any possible latent 
wealth — likely wood sales, the existence of stone or slate quar- 
ries, or mines, perchance ; all such, he had to report, either to the 
lord personally, or to his chief officials, whereupon, at the audit, 
which was a kind of business Alpha and Omega — an estate 
clearing house, orders could be given for working these new 
sources of revenue. 

Not content with his report on well assured financial projects, 
the Surveyor was compelled to be on hand personally at the 
audit, where he presented before the Auditor and other officials 
any source of profit he suspected might arise to his lord's bene- 



138 . THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [412 

fit ; a warrant could be thereupon issued for testing the proposed 
schemes, the same to be called in upon the next audit when its 
usefulness as a money venture was examined. 

Finally the Surveyor was by no means a mere automaton, as- 
certaining' by rule and divining rod an estimate of his employer's 
resources. By virtue of his calling- he went in and out among 
tenants — and perforce saw their condition intimately, so that 
a generous master, taking advantage of this, might have his ser- 
vant's quick eye trained to kindly purposes as well. Thus in 
1561, Mr. Sampson, Surveyor for Richard Bertie and his Coun- 
tess, distributed £3 :5 :8. to poor tenants in his survey. 6 Aside 
from gentle philanthropies of this sort, it was well within the 
scope of these officers' functions to make life a trifle easier for 
tenants simply through upright dealing. On this very score, 
Richard Brathwait takes occasion in his characterization of 
servitors operating between lord and tenants, to plead for men 
of good conscience in those stations — men " . . . indifferent- 
ly to deale betwixt the Lord and the Tenants, that their harde 
and severe dealinge bring not to their Lorde, insteede of honour, 
infamye. " If the lord allows them to attend to the letting of 
his lands, they are ". . . above all thinges to keepe their 
handes free from taking of bribes: for every pound by any of 
them so received will hinder their Lord tenn poundes, at the 
least." "I crave pardon," he continues, "to write that which 
in my harte I have conceived, even with greefe of minde. Hav- 
ing lived above threescore yeares, in which time I am sure ther 
hath bene more enclosing of Landes, racking and raysing of 
rente, with extreme fining of poore Tenants than were in three 
hundred yeares before; and yet in this time I have knowne the 
patrimony of many noble houses wasted and decayed, which 
causeth me to thincke that God with this harde dealing is dis- 
pleased. And therefore I hartely wish and earnestly desire that 
both Lordes and their officers will not give cause vnto their poore 
Tenants, in eating of their hungry meales, to curse them with 
their harte ; . . . " 7 Here, to be sure, is an old man 's wail 
against the hard economies of his day, with its alluring, easy 
' ' look on this picture, then on that ' ' — the happy, fanciful one 

6 Grvmstliorpe House Papers, 464. 

7 Brathwait, 6-7. 



413] FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 139 

of the good old Elysium three hundred years hack! Neverthe- 
less, the observation is instructive; perhaps it was not solely be- 
cause of his keener intelligence, that the 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland 's Surveyor was a priest ! 8 

The post of Receiver-General was one of the chief official sta- 
tions in the household, and certainly the position of highest 
trust in the domestic service. This officer had in his keeping all 
the funds coming in from the estates. As already mentioned, he 
stood charged in his own person, or through under Receivers, by 
the Surveyor 's rental book, with the " . . . rentes of all man- 
nors, lordshipps, demeanes, hamelettes, f armes, or any other com- 
modities arisinge within . . . (the) office of survey. . . " 9 
On this basis, when rents from any source fell due, he sent his 
letters to the bailiffs, or whoever had money owing the lord, and 
such were bound to bring in the amounts when and where he 
stipulated; upon his receipt of such money, he turned over a 
signed bill of receipt to the payer, who was held strictly account- 
able, like every man entrusted with any charge. 

The Receiver had his own account book to keep, and in it had 
to be particularly noted what sums came in, when, from whom 
and under what title or cause, that is, for what — all plainly set 
down. He had to acquaint his lord from time to time, with the 
amounts of money he was receiving; while in some households, 
like that of the 5th Earl of Northumberland, the very closest 
constant scrutiny of him and his book-keeping was maintained. 
Thus, every Sunday throughout the year, the earl's Receiver- 
General had time provided him for casting up his reckonings, 
and clearing scores with all the other clerks who had got sums 
of money from him during the past week. When rentals came 
in, whatever else he may have been doing — that, he was free to 
drop for his more proper work. At such times he entered the 
receipt of the money in his book, before a witness selected by 
Northumberland, and had to get the same signed by the head of 
the household, likewise before a witness of the latter 's choosing, 
previous to delivering his acquittance to him who paid in the 
money. Each Saturday he was compelled to balance up his re- 
ceipts and deliveries, from the beginning of the household year 

8 Northumberland Household Boole, 323. 

9 Breviate. 



140 . THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [414 

(Michaelmas) to that date, and to hand in to his lord a bill 
showing the amount of money on hand; with this he presented 
another bill of the week's receipts and expenditures, so that the 
Cofferer 10 could at once disclose, either his week's balance in 
hand, or the sum lacking for a complete payment of the running 
expenses. 

The Receiver too, like the other principal officers in the house- 
hold, had to be an accomplished Figaro. In addition to his vir- 
tues as an accurate and trusted exchequer clerk, a ready wit and 
handy adaptability must enable him, should occasion require, to 
talk to the point with a stubborn or recalcitrant bailiff — settle 
a dispute between tenants, evaluate a field, estimate a damage — 
anything, to expedite getting in his sine qua non — the rentals. 11 

John Carleton, Receiver in 1523 for Sir Thomas Lovell, thus 
describes certain of his activities in March of that year, entering 
the same in his book under "Necessary Costes" — 

' ' Item, paid, the last day of Marche, in the fourteenth yere of 
the reign of Kyng Henry the VIII th , for the costs of me, John 
Carleton, and my servaunte rydyng from Endefeld to Holt and 
Cley in Norfolk to trye out ther the lande, both free and bonde, 
that is in traverse betwixt Gregory Cause and William Dykson, 
and seeng and veueng the decay of the Haven there thorow the 
inneng (i.e. enclosing) of a marsh at Saltehouse by Sir John 
Heydon, knyght, and so rydyng along after the see coste to Mas- 
ter Paston place at Paston, and then with hym to Yermouth, 
and Castre, and so to Sporle and Pagrave by Swaffham in Nor- 
folk to see and veue the grounde and lordship there, and to trye 
the valour therof, and seeng an estate therof taken and geven to 
the seid Mr. Paston, and upon that goyng to Thetford to th' 
assise ther, and so to Norwich with Mr. Brooke, juge, to take a 
knowlage (i.e. acknowledgment) of Sir William Paston and 

10 Northumberland's Receiver was likewise his Treasurer or "Cofferer" 
as he was called. — Household Book, 224. 

ii Northumberland 's Receiver had still other functions: "ITEM that 
he that shal be apointed at Mychaelmas in the Chequirroill for the Yeire as 
Coufferer To stand chargid with all my Lordes Reeeites for the Yeire And 
as Gentleman Huyssher and to stand chargid with my Lordis Plaite and 
Jewell With oithur asignid and Joined unto him And to have for his 
Houlshould Waigis for that cause — lxvjs. viijd." — Household Book, 394- 
395. 



415] FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 141 

Dame Brigette Paston, his wif, of ther lordshippes of Sporle and 
Pagrave to the use of Sir Thomas Lovell, knyght, and with other 
besynes by the space of xxiiij dayes complete, xxxjs.viijd." 

"Item, payd for the costes of William Berners, Lawrance 
Foxley and myself to deliver d li. by wey of lone upon a prevy 
seall to Sir Henry Wyott, knyght, thresorour of the Kynge's 
chamber, to be repaied at Candlemas next by the tenure (i.e. 
tenor) of the same, xjs.iiijd." — and once more, an entry for 
this same year under his title — ' ' The sewte of diverse persones 
at the comon lawe" — 

"Item payd to Maister Lees, clerke of the Councell in the 
Stert (sic) Chamber, for the copy of a bill of compleynt made 
by the person and of diverse of the tenantes of Blakeney in Nor- 
folk, and put up to my Lord Cardynall in the Starte Chamber 
aneynst diverse of my maister 's tenauntes of Cley for puttyng 
downe of a banke made without leve on my master's grounde 
and lettyng the water of the Haven his old course, v s, " 12 

Carleton may have had little to do with this piece of work be- 
yond the fee which he paid to "Maister Lees"; he dispatched 
that business, however, and recorded its accomplishment in an 
understanding fashion, thereby nicely justifying Brath wait's 
point in his description of officers like the Receiver — ' ' They 
should not be ignorant how to follow sutes in law : for, albeit the 
Earle have a Sollicitor, 13 yet if a cheefe Officer (that is knowne 
to be in creditt with his Lorde) come with him either to Serjeant 
or Counsellor his chamber, he will be the better regarded and 
sooner dispatched, especially if the Earle be not in London." 14 

When money was wanted by the master of the house, perhaps 
for the Steward or for any purpose whatever, he issued a war- 
rant for the requisite amount, under his own hand, on his Re- 
ceiver, whereupon the funds should be forthcoming. The war- 
rants later served as evidence or vouchers in auditing the Re- 
ceiver's accounts. In 1514, it had been determined that seven 
warrants were necessary for Northumberland's household bud- 
get, in the course of a year. Three of these fell in the first 
quarter — between Michaelmas and Christmas, and were issued 

12MSS. of the DuJce of Eutland, 4, 263. 

is Ibid., 260, where Lovell is seen to have had his legal advisor too. 

i^Brathwait. 7. 



142 . THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [416 

on the Receiver for the earl's lands in Northumberland, Cum- 
berland and Yorkshire respectively, on rents for the so-called 
"Michaelmas ferm" (i.e. farm, or rental). Two fell in the sec- 
ond quarter, that is, between Christmas and Lady-Day in Lent; 
these were drawn on the Receivers in Yorkshire and Northum- 
berland, on rentals of the Martinmas farm, while the last two 
fell, one in each remaining quarter, i.e. Lady-Day to Mid- 
summer, and Mid-summer to Michaelmas again, drawn on the 
Receivers in Cumberland and Northumberland, and payable 
from Martinmas and "Whitsunday rentals. 15 

A nice regulation was elaborately established adjusting pur- 
chase of provisions of all sorts, payment of wages, in fact, all 
the diverse household expenses, to the periods when this money 
was available. 16 Northumberland's warrants themselves were 
the customary triumphs of intricate, clumsy pomposity, couched 
in the very style and semblance of their Royal prototypes — 

"WELBILOVYD I grete you wele and wol ande strately 
charge you without delay as ye intende to have me your good 
Lorde ande wol exchew that at may insew unto you for the con- 
trary doyng at your jeopardy Faill not to content ande pay to 
my welbiloved Servaunts Robart Percy Countroller of my Hous 
ande Gilbert Weddell Cheefe Clarke of my Kichyng standyng 
charged with my saide House for the vij th and last payment of 
th ' Assignement assigned unto theym for the kepyng of my saide 
Hous for this Yere begynnyng at Michaelmas in the vj th Yere of 
the reign of our Sovereign Lorde Kyng Henry the viij th and 
shall ende at Michaelmas next following of the Revenus of all 
my Landes in Northumberlande to your handes comyng dewe 
to my Coffers of the Whitsonday Ferm payabill at Lambmas Ye 
content and pay the Some of ciiijl.xiiijs.ixd. in redy Monay 
over ande besids that they have xv 1. vj s. charged upon theym 
the saide tyme as parcell of there Assignement as in the Fermes 
of divers Meddowes ande Pastures at Lekyngfeld ande Wresill as 
it appereth more playnly in the Booke of Orders of my saide 
Hous for the makyng up of cxxjl. ixd. assigned unto theym in 
the iiij th quarter bitwixt Midsommer and Michaelmas Whiche is 
in full payment of there Hole Assignement for this Hoole Yere 

is Northumberland Household Boole, 111-112. 
16 Ibid., 30-33. 



417] FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 143 

endyng at the said Michaelmas next for to come GEVEN under 
my Signet and Sign Manuell at my Manour of Leekyngfeld the 
xxj th day of Novembre in the vj th Yere of the reign of our Sov- 
erayn Lord Kyng Henry the viij tb . 

To my Trusty Servaunt WILLIAM WORME 
Gentleman Usher of my Chambre my Coffurer 
ande my Receyvoure Generall of all 
my Lands in the North Parties for this Yere. ' ' 17 
Poor Worme! with what nervous agility he must have des- 
patched his uneasy duty, before the grandiloquent insistence of 
so imperial a summons ! 

"The auditor beeing the laste of all offecers, is to bee judge 
betwixte the lorde and his accomptants, and to deale trulie for 
and betweene all parties, and upon the determinae 'on of his 
audite, to presente to his lorde by booke or breviate, all his re- 
ceiptes, expences, imprestes, whatsoever, with the remaines of 
monye, if any bee. . . " 18 In such form were the accounts of 
Lord "William Howard of Naworth, as audited in 1612 by 
Thomas Clay. 19 First were carefully tabulated in detail all the 
rents collected by Receivers, or directly paid in to the Steward, 
from Cumberland, Northumberland, Yorkshire, Durham and 
Westmoreland; following these, also as part of the Lord's in- 
come, were entered the "Forreine Recepts" — sums of money 
paid for all manner of stuff sold, including, that year, trees, 
coal, wood, hay, dung, etc., in addition to certain park and mill 
rentals, fines, and other odd accounts. After the receipts, fol- 
low, also in minute detail, all the year's expenses — "My Lord's 
Parcells," those for "My Ladie And The Little Gent" — in- 
cluding, in each case, every item of personal expenditure — 
"Pensions or Annuities," "Law Charges," "Lands Purchased," 
"Servants' Wages," "Fresh Acaites," "Salt and Salt Store," 
"Rewards," "Building, Reparation, Woorkmen," "Husbandrie, 
Heards, And Husbandman," " Utensil es or Necessaries," "Gro- 
cery," "Mault," "Bigg and Peas," "Oates," "Wheat," 

17 Northumberland Household Boole, 132-133. 

is Breviate, 328. 

is The accounts appear to be the Steward 's, at least his signature fol- 
lows the title. — Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth 
Castle, 1. 



144 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [418 

"Hops," "Wine," "Lights," "Stable Charges," "Horses and 
Cattle Bought," "Riding Charges and Errands," "Poore," 
"Monie Imprest, Lent or Repaid," "Dueties to Brampton and 
Other Places," "Mills," (cost items of any repairs) "Extra- 
ordinary Payments," "Linen Cloth and Yarne," "Carriage of 
Things from Newcastle," (i.e. transportation charges from that 
port town) and lastly, "Eldin" or fuel. Under each of these 
headings appear all of the itemized expenses with their ' ' Summa 
Total" and the symbol of the Auditor's visa — "Ex. per Tho. 
Clay, Auditor," to duly summarize and authenticate. A com- 
plete total was also drawn up — 

"Summa totalis Expensarum, solucionum, et alloeacionum 
hoc anno xj. mo Regis Jacobi, M.M.D. xxj. u xvj. s ij. d " with the 
balance on hand down to a farthing — ' ' Remanent in manu 
hujus computantis, ccccj. 11 ix. d ob.q." — likewise with Clay's 
signature. 20 

That part of the Auditor's accounting which had to do with 
court perquisites, was executed through information which 
might be conveyed to him by an officer known as the "Learned 
Steward." This man received notice from the lord, of all the 
courts he intended to hold, and with the assistance of the jury, 
he assessed the fines for the misdemeanor tried, saw them es- 
treated, along with other court dues, and delivered over to the 
bailiff for levy, which latter servitor, upon receipt of the money, 
turned it over to the Receiver as part of the lord's profits. The 
Learned Steward had likewise to inform the Auditor of these 
court profits, who in turn, could thus hold the bailiffs to their 
true accounts. 

Once he began upon his books, the Auditor remained right in 
his room, his food allowances and other necessaries, being carried 
in to him, " . . . the chardge and truste beinge soe greate, so 
well betwixt the lorde and his accomptantes, as betwixt partie 
and partie, . . ." Books were balanced and accounts audit- 
ed once or twice a year, as the lord dictated, after which was 
held the "declaration of the audit" — a checking of accounts in 
the presence of the lord, Surveyor, Receiver and Auditor, or 
whoever, as in the Derby household, sat in the domestic council 
of the noble master. 21 

20 Household Boolcs of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 1-66. 
2i Stanley Papers, Part 2, 34-35, 63, and 89. 



419] FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN THE HOUSEHOLD 145 

When the audit was taken in Northumberland's establish- 
ment, the household was temporarily reorganized on a much 
smaller scale (some forty-two people constituting its diminished 
personnel) — in one of the lesser houses belonging to the earl, 
usually at New Lodge, and the process was called "keeping the 
Secret House." This was done to give the responsible servants 
and officers full hours unmolested for their work at the account- 
ing. At this time all the possessions of his Grace were invoiced, 
down to the very ward-robe stuff, and along with the busy of- 
ficers and clerks engaged in the accounting, were representatives 
from most of the household departments; among others, for ex- 
ample, the following — ' ' THE Yoman of the Bedds that staunds 
chargid with my Lords Warderob Stuff For the Delyvre of the 
saide Stuffe at the accompt. The Skynner that is in my Lords 
"Warderob For the helpynge to receyve the saide Stuffe when 
it is charged agayne into the Office." The two Grooms of the 
Ward-robe ". . . For the Berynge of the said Stuffe to the 
Warderob agayne when it is charged at the Accompt to the 
Office." 22 

In conclusion, the labors of these several officers resulted each 
year in a goodly crop of valuable papers, and all such accounts 
and records of surveys were kept along with other documents of 
value in a room called the "Evidence House." The key of this 
chamber was kept by the lord himself and no one was allowed 
therein except in the master's presence, unless it were some 
especially trusted servant. Brathwait, drawing upon what he 
doubtless had seen, describes with clerk-like satisfaction his idea 
of a properly equipped strong room — " . . . I wish the 
Earle to have in his house a chamber very stronge and close, the 
walls should be of stone or bricke, the dore should be overplated 
with iron, the better to defend it from danger of fire : The keyes 
therof the Earle himselfe is to keepe. In this Chamber should 
be cubbards of drawing boxes, shelves, and standards, with a 
convenient Table to write upon ; and upon every drawing box is 
to be written the name of the Mannor or Lordship, the Evidence 
wherof that box doth containe. And looke what Letters Patents, 
Charters, Deeds, Feofements, or other writings, or Fines, are in 
every box ; a paper role is to be made in the saide box, wherin is 
to be sett downe everv severall deede or writing, that when the 

22 Northumberland Household Boole, 308, 365. 



146 • THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [420 

Earle, or any for him, hath occasion to make search for any 
Evidence or writing, he may see by that Role, whether the same 
be in that box or not. In the Standerds and upon the Shelves 
are to be placed Courte Roles, Auditor's accompts, Bookes of 
Survey, etc. Also empty boxes both for Letters patents and 
other Evidences, when ther is cause to carry them out of that 
chamber. If ther be occasion, of search to be made for any Evi- 
dence in this house (the Earle himself e not being present) ; 
vnder two persons at the least should not enter therin; and if 
they take out any Evidence or writings, in the same boxe out of 
which they be taken they are to leave, vnder their hands, in 
writing, the name of every such Deede or "Writing as by them is 
taken forth, and the cause for which they did it, and the day 
and yeare of their so doing, and also by what warrant: for the 
Earle ought to have more care of the safe keeping of his Evi- 
dences, than either of his plate or Jewells." 23 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland had two evidence houses, one 
in each of his castles, Leckinfield and Wressil. A servant was 
constantly in charge of each house and its precious contents, to 
whom my ". . . Lorde useth ande accustomyth to gyf as in 
Annuitie by "Warraunt to be paide owt of his Lordshipis Cof- 
fures . . . for standynge charged with the delyvray of my 
said Lordis Evidences owt and for receyvynge of them in again 
To be paid quarterly after xxs. a quarter and for the hole Yere 
— iiij l." 24 

The interest of most noblemen in their finances was intense 
and constant, and where such was not the case, a zealous officer 
of the household might properly recall to his negligent master, 
the latter 's obligation regarding his exchequer. On one occasion, 
Lord Willoughby, absorbed in the weighty responsibilities of the 
campaign in the Netherlands, received a familiar letter, from 
one of his servants — John Stubbe, in which his Grace was em- 
phatically besought in part as follows: — "1586, May 14. Lon- 
don, Barbican. " " From your own open gallery there. " — " Myn 
honorable good lord, I know well your daily and nightly labors 
and waches may well excuse youre not wrighting or short 
wrighting. . . Good my lord, be not driven nor drawn from 

23 Brathwait, 18. 

24 Northumberland Household Boole, 379, 351. 



421] FINANCIAL. MANAGEMENT LN THE HOUSEHOLD 147 

understanding your own state. Looke into your own accompts, 
as your leisure may serve. Be auditor auditorum in all your 
own business. My lord Tresurer will do so. My Lord of Le- 
cestre doth so. The wise Lord Keeper wold do so. Hir Majes- 
ties self will do so. Bergen op Zoon is but a chery fare. It is 
Lincolnshire Holland (i.e. the county, in England) that must 
cherish your honorable age. . . " 25 

It was, then, through the carefully supervised service of this 
highly specialized and competent officialdom, that the Tudor 
nobility diligently sought to rightly husband their wealth, main- 
tain a comfortable balance under the thrift columns in their 
ledgers, and avoid that wretched and disgraceful dilemma — 
land sales, against which shrewd old Burghley so emphatically 
warned his son. 



^ Grimstlwrpe House Papers, 351. 



CHAPTER VII 

GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE IN THE 
HOUSEHOLD 

Yet if his majesty our sovereign lord 

Should of his own accord 

Friendly himself invite, 

And say " I '11 be your guest tomorrow night, ' ' 

How should we stir ourselves, call and command 

All hands to work! Let no man idle stand. 

Set me fine Spanish table in the hall, 

See they be fitted all; 

Let there be room to eat, 

And order taken that there want no meat. 

See every sconce and candlestick made bright, 

That without tapers they may give a light. 

Look to the presence: are the carpets spread, 

The dais o'er the head, 

The cushions in the chairs, 

And all the candles lighted on the stairs? 

Let each man give attendance in his place. 

— ■ Elizabethan Lyrics — Bullen. 

Among the many rooms and apartments which the castles of 
the English nobility invariably contained, there were always 
two of conspicuous importance in the routine life of the house- 
hold ; these were the Great, or Dining Chamber, and the Great 
Hall. The Great Chamber was generally on the second floor — 
"above stairs" was the common expression in regard to its loca- 
tion, — near the head of the principal or grand stairway : with 
the exception of the Hall, it was probably the largest room in 
the castle, and could conveniently accommodate quite an as- 
semblage. Thus the Great Chamber in Raglan Castle, the seat 
of the Earls of Worcester, in Monmouthshire, was forty-nine by 
twenty-one feet, 1 while that at Haddon House in Derbyshire, 

i MSS. of the Duke of Beaufort, 2. 

148 



423] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 149 

one of the residences of the Earls of Rutland, was probably 
about two-thirds as large as the Hall itself. 2 

The Hall was situated on the ground floor of the castle, and 
its proportions, always majestic, were no mean gauge of the 
wealth and position of its noble owner. In the royal palaces the 
Great Halls were truly splendid, that at Eltham being one hun- 
dred and one feet long, and thirty -six feet in width ; its isolated 
location furthermore, permitted of ten windows down either 
side, in addition to bow windows which were fourteen feet wide 
and ten feet deep. 3 The more modest Great Hall of Raglan 
Castle, as described by a contemporary was ". . . 66 feet 
long and 28 feet broad, having a rare geometrical roof built of 
Irish oak, with a large cupola on top for light, besides a com- 
pass window 16 feet high in the light, and as much in compass, 
with two or three large windows more in the upper end. ' ' 4 Sir 
John Fastolfe's Great Hall in his Castle at Caister near Yar- 
mouth was fifty-nine feet by twenty-eight feet, 5 and Sanford, 
who visited Kirkoswald in 1610, says of the Hall — "The Hall I 
have seen, 100 feet long ; and the great portraiture of King Brut 
lying in the end of the roof of this Hall, and of all his succeed- 
ing successors Kings of England portraicted to the waist, their 
visage, hats, feathers, garbs, and habits, in the roof of this 
hall; . . ."« 

The Great Chamber and the Hall were the principal living 
rooms in the house throughout the day — up to the time of re- 
tiring, in fact — a full servant equipment being provided for 
both places between meals, while during repasts each was en- 
livened by the operation of the elaborate regimen observed for 
properly serving up all food to table. 

Back in the early part of the 16th century, (c. 1512.), the 5th 
Earl of Northumberland had daily servant attendance in his 
Great Chamber between meals carefully proportioned among 
three groups of servitors — for morning, afternoon and evening. 
Twenty hands were on duty in the forenoon, nineteen men and a 
child, of whom six were Gentlemen — an Usher, a Carver, a 

2 Archaeologia, VI, 358 (Plate). 

3 Ibid., 367. 

4 MSS. of Duke of Beaufort, 2. 

5 Inventory of effects, etc., Archaeologia, XXI, 273, note. 

s Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 513. 



150 ■ THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [424 

Sewer, and a Cup-bearer to my lord, a Waiter for the board- 
end, and a Marshal of the Hall. Ten were Yeomen and 
Grooms, while four were Yeomen and Groom officers — Yeoman 
Usher of the Hall, Yeoman of the Pantry, Groom of the Buttery 
and Groom of the Ewery. The Gentlemen, Yeomen and Grooms 
came on duty at seven o'clock in the morning, and staid until 
one o'clock p.m., serving through dinner. This was their prin- 
cipal service ; they then had leisure to do as they liked from one 
until three o'clock, when evensong was rung and "drinkings" 
served, whereupon they were to return to duty "Ande they not 
to faill than to com in again And raither yf any straungers 
cum." The same regulation governed the four Yeomen and 
Groom officers, except that their duties commenced at six o'clock, 
A.M., enduring until eight o'clock when they went into their of- 
fices for serving breakfasts; that done, they again returned to 
attendance from nine o'clock until ten, when dinner commenced. 

In the afternoon a new shift of eighteen, changed somewhat 
in personnel, came on ; the first group of Gentlemen, the same in 
function, serving now, however, to my lady — while a "Yoman 
Usher of the Chamber to my Lady" was added to their number; 
they commenced attendance at one o'clock, having served at din- 
ner, from ten to one, and remained on until four o'clock, p.m., 
when supper was served. The Yeomen and Grooms in this sec- 
ond shift were reduced to seven, with terms of .service like the 
Gentlemen ; there were four Yeoman and Groom officers, but 
they now stood Yeoman of the Beds, of the Buttery, Groom of 
the Pantry, and Groom Usher of the Hall. These latter were in 
their offices during dinner, from ten to one o'clock, and in at- 
tendance from one until three o'clock, when they again repaired 
to their offices for the service of drinkings. This latter was a 
short work, so that that attendance really endured until four 
o'clock in the afternoon, when supper was served. The after- 
noon group of servants were free in the forenoon, from seven to 
ten o'clock. 

Evening attendance which lasted from seven to nine o'clock, 
was given by both groups of Gentlemen, Yeomen and Grooms — 
thirty hands in all, while Yeomen and Groom officers were re- 
lieved from duty, time being then allowed them for their day's 
accounting. 7 Such was the stately personal attendance between 

7 Northumberland Household Boole, 309 et seq. 



425] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 151 

meals, truly royal in character, enjoyed by this great North- 
country earl in the early Tudor period. 

Somewhat later than this time, it was customary for the Gen- 
tlewomen of a nobleman 's wife to be at hand in the Great Cham- 
ber also "; . . for the better furnishinge of the same, vidz. 
from nyne of the clocke untill eleven, and then to attende theire 
ladie to the chappell, or prayer, and from one of the clocke after 
dynner, untill three in the afternoone, and then they maye de- 
parte, if there bee noe gentlewomen stranngers to bee enter- 
teyned, untill five of the clocke; that supper bee towardes, and 
after supper so lonnge as theire ladie is in presence and noe 
longer. ' ' 8 

The Hall, a less exclusive place, was constantly under the 
charge of the Yeoman Usher of the Hall, " . . . and his place 
before and after meales is to sett at the upper ende of the halle, 
or to walke up and downe the hie space there, and to enterteyne 
all stranngers, and if there bee any noyce to still it, for there is 
noe place of hie talke to bee suffered, . . . " 9 this, in addition 
to his special functions during meals, of which, more presently, 
and his superintendence of the daily cleaning of the Hall. 

Responsibility for proper service between meals in both Great 
Chamber and Hall, fell to the Gentlemen Ushers of the Great 
Chamber. "The one of them," says Brathwait, "for the moste 
parte is to be in the great chamber, or dining chamber, both 
forenoone and afternoone, and at after supper to see that the 
saide chamber be furnished with gentlemen waiters : and he is to 
give warninge to the Vsher of the Hall, that it bee not vnfurn- 
ished of yeomen, but that ther may be always in a readines both 
gentlemen and Yeomen, to attend upon the Barle and Countes, 
either within the house or abroade, as they shal be commaund- 
ed." 10 $or the better fulfillment of these duties, the Gentleman 
Usher had to assist him on these occasions, a Gentleman "Waiter 
and a Yeoman or two, appointed by himself. 11 

Service during meals in the Great Chamber and the Hall was 
naturally more elaborate still, and very great care was bestowed 
upon it. The nobility were not only huge consumers of food, 

s Breviate, Archaelogia, XIII, 323. 

9 Ibid., 333. 

io Brathwait, 12. 

ii Breviate, 323. 



152 . THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [426 

but as proper men should, they greatly enjoyed eating, coming 
to table with thankful pleasure, and genially bidding to their 
repasts, strangers, great and small, who chanced to be within 
their gates. Altogether they took a justifiable pride in the state- 
ly operation of the whole comestible process, carefully choosing 
trained officers and flunkies to conduct its intricate details skil- 
fully, for the reputation and the general well-being of their 
houses in the eyes of their contemporaries, depended no little 
upon the smooth running of this machinery, as we shall see. 

In the first place, dining was a considerable part of each day's 
order; in fact, the preparation and eating of food was in most 
houses an almost continuous process. Ordinarily, that is except- 
ing in special seasons like Lent, the establishment of the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland breakfasted from eight until nine o'clock, 
that repast almost merging into dinner, which was under way 
from ten until one o'clock, P.M. At three in the afternoon, 
drinkings were served, while supper was on the boards from 
four until seven o'clock, the day closing with a collation called 
the "Livery," served in this household at nine, P.M. This 
latter was quite a substantial fare, its menu for my lord and 
lady consisting of ". . . two Manchetts (a variety of bread) 
a Loof of Houshold Breid a Gallon of Bere and a Quarte of 
Wyne. . ." With the food were delivered also the lights for 
the night, their Graces retiring to their chambers with ". . . 
a Pound of White Lightts conteynyng xij Candles and vi Syses 
Viz. iij to my Lordis Footsheit and iij to my Ladys Chambre. ' ' 12 

Along in the reign of Elizabeth the hours for dinner and sup- 
per were set later than ten o'clock A.M. and four o'clock P.M. 
Harrison says "the Nobilitie, Gentrie, and Students do ordin- 
arilie go to dinner at ELEVEN before noone, and to supper at 
five, or between FIVE and SIX at afternoone." 13 The hour 
for dinner, in the 17th century, in the houses of the Earl of 
Worcester and Lord Fairfax both, was eleven o'clock, A.M. 14 

While all food was set forth with a dignified solemnity, if 
one can judge from the servant equipment as it was appointed 
in different households, dinner was universally the piece de re- 

12 Northumberland Household BooTc, 96, 310, 314, 317, 318, 319. Boyal 
Household Ordinances, 89, 90. 

is Northumberland Household Booh, 434. 
14 Ibid., 419, 424. 



427] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 153 

sistanee, upon whose elaborate pageantry no pains were ever 
spared. Customarily this mid-day meal was served in a well- 
ordered progress, adapted to the various ranks of people in a 
household, in the Great Chamber, the Hall and the kitchen. 

In the Great Chamber two tables were dressed, one for the 
master of the household himself, with his family, and a second, 
known as the Knight's board, because ordinarily it accommodated 
any knights and gentlemen in the household ; at this second table 
sat also her Grace's gentlewomen. 15 In the Hall, likewise were 
set several tables, the first of which in order, was always the 
Officer's board, for the upper dignitaries in the household — 
the Steward, Comptroller, Receiver, Gentleman of the Horse, 
and perhaps others, depending upon custom. A second table 
might be called the Yeoman's board, for at it were placed the 
Yeoman of the Horse, of the Beds, and so on, down, while below 
these were grouped the Grooms of the Stable. 

These several constituted the first tables; after them boards 
were again prepared in the Hall for the waiters and others en- 
gaged in attendance upon the first tables, both in the Great 
Chamber and the Hall. The Gentleman Usher presided at the 
table of the Gentlemen Waiters;, with the lord's Carver and 
Sewer beside him ; below the Gentlemen Waiters came the Yeo- 
men Ushers of the Chamber and the Yeomen of the Cellar, then 
the rest of the Yeomen Waiters and Grooms; still below these 
followed the Footmen, and the servitors, probably footmen also, 
who had attended at the Knight's board, while at the very bot- 
tom of this table were grouped the Officer's personal servants. 

Another second table in the Hall was known as the Clerk's 
board, presided over by the Clerk of the Kitchen. His fellow 
diners were the Master Cook, the Usher of the Hall, the Yeomen 
and Grooms of the Pantry, Buttery, Ewery, the Groom of the 
Cellar, the Achator, the Yeoman of the Scullery, the Groom of 
the Hall, and perhaps some of the under cooks. The rest of the 
members of the household — hands from the kitchen, the Slaugh- 
terman and the Groom of the Scullery had their dinners in the 
kitchen. 

This customary grouping has been set forth here in detail, 
because it was straightly observed, tremendous emphasis always 

is Ibid., 420, 301. MSS. of the Duke of Beaufort, 3, 5. Brathwait, 23. 



154 ' THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOE NOBLEMAN [428 

being laid on a man's status. A hodge-podge table order were 
a shiftless error indeed — enough to disgrace a Gentleman Usher 
or a Marshal of the Hall, and to throw the entire domestic polity 
into disarray ; nay more, so deeply ingrained in all was the sense 
of position with its tinkling attributes, that were any mistake 
in its observance made by an officer in charge, it possibly had 
amounted to a serious affront to the slighted servitor, and might 
lead instantly to a vociferous attempt at rectification by the 
aggrieved one, but of the observance of rank at table, more 
presently. 

Service at the different tables was performed by corps of 
trained servants. Those ordinarily in attendance at his Grace's 
board were a Gentleman Usher, with Yeoman assistant, Carvers, 
Sewers, Cup-bearers, Gentlemen and Yeomen Waiters, together 
with Yeomen of the Pantry, Buttery, and Ewery, the Clerk of 
the Kitchen, and others not so directly concerned. In the house- 
hold of the 5th Earl of Northumberland, all hands in the first 
group of servants, i.e. the Ushers, Carvers, Sewers, Cup-bearers, 
and Waiters, were chosen by the earl himself from among the 
men hired to serve him in other capacities ordinarily — as Stew- 
ards, Bailiffs, Park-keepers, Foresters, etc., and they all filled 
these honorary places of personal attendance on his Grace for an 
entire quarter at a time, serving in rotation shifts, and receiving 
no direct remuneration for the work. In this same establish- 
ment when the earl had his yearly accounting, and the ' ' Secret 
House" was in operation, his Grace's second and third sons 
filled the positions of Carver and Sewer to their father at his 
table. 16 In other households some of these positions about the 
lord's table were filled simply for the day at the order of the 
Gentleman Usher; this was the case in the Earl of Worcester's 
establishment, where "daily waiters" are noted. 

The Knight's board was attended by Footmen; the officer's 
table in the Hall by the personal servants of these dignitaries, 
under direct superintendence of the Usher of the Hall, who 
helped to place the food on the table. The Grooms of the Hall 
and the Stables waited at the Yeomen 's board, and after carrying 
food to these, their official betters, they took their own places to 

is Northumberland Household Boole, 53 et seq., 304-305, 362. MSS. of 
the Dulce of Beaufort, 5. Royal Household Ordinances, 89. 



429] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 155 

be refreshed with food which they had fetched up for themselves. 
Serving at this second shift was done under the direction still 
of the Usher of the Hall, some of the men at least, like the offi- 
cer's servants, waiting on themselves. 

So much for some of the matter-of-fact details necessary to 
understand the elaborate ceremony of dining in the 16th century. 
This, however, is but the prosaic side of the picture, and life 
enough there was in the process, and zest, could one but have 
dropped in to enjoy it at Haddon House, Raglan Castle, or any 
one of the many splendid old establishments which flourished so 
proudly in that far gone day! But what was the ceremony of 
dining like when it was actually under way? 

In the first place Mr. Gentleman Usher of the Great Chamber, 
with his assistant, the Yeoman Usher of the Chamber, was prob- 
ably the most active man in the entire household personnel, and 
bore the heaviest responsibility in connection with the food ser- 
vice ' ■ The Gentleman Usher his place and chardge is, to governe 
all above staires, or in the presence of his lorde," and Richard 
Braithwait further enlarges on this officer's functions in this 
wise: "In former times gentlemen that were of years and 
long trained and experienced in that kinde of service, were 
chosen to this place ; but of later yeares Earles and Ladies have 
better liked yonge gentlemen that were neate and fine in their 
apparell, to serve them in that roome; and yet, in my simple 
opinion, none ought to be chosen therevnto that had not for 
some yeares served as a gentleman waiter, and that could both 
serve and carve in a decent and comely manner; for he cannot 
possibly teach others that is ignorant himself e ; and his place is 
not only to instructe the gentlemen and yeomen waiters, but also 
the Yeoman of the Ewry, Pantry, and Seller, how and in what 
sorte they are to bring into the dining chamber, and to place 
upon the cubbard and table all things necessary for the service 
of their Lord. " 17 

That his rule in his proper sphere might be the better he was 
". . . to have at commaundemente, all the gentlemen and 
yeomen wayters, and to see into theire behaviors and fashion, 
that it bee civill, comelie and well, and if any defecte bee, in any 
of them, (he is) to instructe them in curteous manner, which is 

it Brathwait, 10. 



156 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [430 

both good for them, and bettereth the lordes service; and if any 
of those saide wayters doe obstinatelie refuse to amende such 
faultes and deformities, then the gentleman usher is to acquainte 
the principall officers of the househoulde therewith, whoe is to 
reforme such defectes in them, or to dischardge them theire 
lordes service, as men not woorthie to serve in that place. " 18 A 
check-roll of the Gentlemen and Yeomen Waiters was in the 
hands of the Gentleman Usher, so that all were bound to come 
to him for their instructions. 19 

The Gentleman Usher on duty "above stairs" began opera- 
tions early — ' ' The one of them is every morning to come into 
the great chamber, . . . and galleries at a convenient hower, 
to see that they be cleane swept and sweete kepte, and fires, or 
boughes, or rushes (as the time of the yeare requireth to be) in 
the chimneys. ' ' 20 The crafty Bassiolo, Gentleman Usher in 
Chapman's play of that title, shows, on one occasion, what a 
serious responsibility deftness in that one duty of clean sweeping 
and neat keeping entailed for him. 

An entertainment is in preparation, and Bassiolo, hurried and 
vexed with incompetent help, is getting the room ready, he and 
his servants with carpet and rushes being under way with the 
work: 

Bas. Come strew this roome afresh; spread here this carpet; 

Nay, quickly, man, I pray thee; this way foole; 

Lay me it smoothe and even; looke if he will! 

This way a little more; a little there. 

Hast thou no forecast? slood, me thinks a man 

Should not of meere neeessitie be an asse. 

Looke how he strowes here too : come, Sir Giles Goosecap, 

I must do all myself e; lay me um thus, 

In fine smoothe threaves, looke you, sir, thus, in threaves. 

Perhaps some tender ladie will squat here, 

And if some standing rush should chance to pricke her, 

Shee'd squeak & spoile the songs that must be sung. 

(Act 2, Scene 1.) 

The Great Chamber in order, the exacting work of setting the 
tables next engaged the attention of the Gentleman Usher and 
his Yeoman Usher. Instructions about the character of the din- 
is Breviate, 322-323. 
i9 7&id., 324. 
zoBrathwait, 11. 



431] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 157 

ner, whether it was to be a state function or not, together with a 
notice of the exact attendance at tables, were sent by the Usher 
to the Yeomen of the Pantry, Buttery and the Ewery, who forth- 
Avith made their necessary issues of plate and linen — damaske, 
diaper, canvas or holland as the case might be, and attended to 
dressing the boards. 21 

To that end the Ewerer ". . . shall brynge forthe clenly 
dressed and fayre applyed Tabill-clothis, and the cubbord-clothe, 
cowched uppon his lefte shulder, laving them uppon the tabill 
ende, close applied unto the tyme that he have firste coverd the 
cubbord; and thenne cover the syde-tabillis, and laste the prin- 
cipall tabill with dobell clothe draun, cowched, and spradde unto 
the degre as longeth therto in festis, 

"Thenne here-uppon the boteler or panter shall bring forthe 
his pryncipall salte, and iiij or v loves of paryd brede, havyng a 
towaile aboute his nekke, the tone half honge or lying uppon his 
lefte arme unto his hande, and the kervyng knyves holdyng in 
the ryght hande, iuste unto the salte-seler beryng. 

"Thenne the boteler or panter shall sette the seler in the 
myddys of the tabull accordyng to the place where the principall 
soverain shalle sette, and sette his brede iuste couched unto the 
salte-seler; and yf ther be trenchours of brede, sette them iuste 
before the seler, and lay downe faire the kervyng knyves, the 
poynts to the seler benethe the trenchours. 

"Thenne the seconde seler att the lower ende, with ij paryd 
loves therby, and trenchours of brede yf they be ordeyned; and 
in case be that trenchours of tree (ie. wood) shalbe ordeyned, 
the panter shall bryng them with nappekyns and sponys whenne 
the soverayne is sette att tabill. 

"Thenne after the high principall tabill sette with brede & 
salte, thenne salte-selers shall be sette uppon the syde-tabyls, but 
no brede unto the tyme such people be sette that fallith to come 
to mete. Thenne the boteler shall bryng forth basyns, ewers, and 
cuppis, Pecys ( ?) sponys sette into a pece, redressing all his 
silver plate, upon the cubbord, the largest firste, the richest in 
the myddis, the lighteste before." 

Meantime the Gentleman Usher sought out his Carver, Sewer 
and Cup-bearers, and accompanied them to the ewery, where they 

ziBreviate, 321. 



158 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [432 

all had to wash their hands, after which the Carver and Sewer 
were "armed" under the Usher's eyes, by the Yeoman of the 
Ewery. A contemporary also describes that process as follows: 
"Hee (that is, the Yeoman of the Ewery) is alsoe to arme the 
carver, fouldinge his arminge towell full three fyngers broade or 
more, and that to putt about his necke, bringinge both sides of 
the towell even downe to his girdell, and puttinge them under 
his girdell faste, a littell waye, the endes are to hannge from 
thence right downe. His lordes and ladies napkines to bee laide 
faire, on his lefte shoulder, his owne napkine on his lefte arme, 
and so the carver beeinge armede . . . Hee is to arme the 
sewer with a towell, of the like foulde, to the carver, and is to 
putt it baudericke wise, aboute his necke, with a knotte thereof, 
so lowe as his knee, and both the endes of the towell to hannge 
lower at the leaste by a f oote than the knotte. . . " 22 

The arming over the Gentleman Usher escorted the Carver to 
the Great Chamber ". . . where after dowtifull obedience 
made, the carver is to take sayes, of the breade, and salte, of the 
lord and ladies spoones, knyves, trenchers, and napkines, and to 
give those sayes to the pantler, who is to attend the chamber to 
that purpose. . . " 23 Because of this attendance by the Yeo- 
man of the Pantry, noblemen liked to have a man for that office 
". . . of seemely stature, wearing his apparell clenly and 
handsome. . . " 24 Whilst all this was under way, the Sewer 
repaired to the dresser to attend to his Grace 's meat. 

By this time the dinner hour was at hand, and his lordship 
and all appointed to dine with him in the Great Chamber had 
gone thither. The seating at table was arranged very carefully ; 
at the lord's table the great salt-cellar, placed at its center, be- 
came forthwith a conspicuous marker of social status, for all 
were ranked at the board with reference to it, "The lorde 
. . . is to have Ms seate in the midest of the table, a littell 
above the salte, his face beeinge to the whole vewe of the cham- 
ber, and opposite to him, the carver is to stande, and at the upper 
hannde of the carver, the countis, or ells to sitte above the carver 
of the same side hee is of, opposite to her lorde. . . " 25 Be- 

22Breviate, 332. 
23 ma., 323-324. 
24Brathwait, 29. 
25 Breviate, 321. 



433] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 159 

cause of this important function the salt-cellars used in the Great 
Chamber at least, were immense architectural structures. Sir 
John Fastolfe owned no fewer than six of those monumental 
master-pieces, one of which, in gilt, weighed fully thirty-four 
ounces ! 26 

All standing at their places, the Chaplain offered thanks. 
"Thenne the principall servitours moste take in ij handys, 
basyns and ewers, and towell, and therwith to awayte and at- 
tende unto the tyme that the grace be fully saide; and thenne 
incontynent after grace saide, to serve water with the principall 
basyn and ewer unto the principall severayne, and ij principall 
servitours to holde the towell under the basyn in lenght before 
the sovrayne; and after that the sovrayne hath wasshe, to yeve 
thenne water unto such as ben ordeyned to sytte at the sevrayne- 
is messe. 

"Thenne after the wesshinge servid, the sovrayne will take his 
place to sitte, and to hym such persons as hit pleaseth hym to 
have, uppon which time of sittyng, the servitorys moste dili- 
gently a-wayte to serve them of qussyons, and after that done, to 
make such personys to be sette at the lower messe as the princi- 
pall soverayne aggrees that be convenyent. 

"Be it remembrid that evermore at the begynnyng of grace 
the eovertour of brede shalbe avoyded and take away, . . ." 

The first course was at length in order, but rightly to appreci- 
ate its ceremonious advent, it is necessary again to follow the 
Sewer, who, as we have seen, left for the chief serving-table, or 
the dresser, after his arming at the ewery. His walk to the 
dresser took him through the Hall, and the instant he entered it, 
the Usher of the Hall, who had to be ". . . a man of tall 
stature and stronge voice . . ." cried out — "Gentlemen and 
Yeomen, waite on the Sewer. . . " 27 Arrived at the dresser, 
the Sewer met there the Clerk of Kitchen, who had to be right at 
hand to attend him ; the Sewer there called out for his lordship 's 
first course, and gave " . . . sayes to the clarke of the kittchine, 
and the master cooke, of everie dishe that is servede to the lordes 
messe . . . " ; 28 the procession then started with the first 

26 Inventory of effects, etc., Archaeologia, XXI, 247 et seq. 

27 Brathwait, 22. 

28 Breviate, 324. 



160 • THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [434 

course for the Great Chamber, headed by the Yeoman Usher of 
the Hall, who again called out as the service passed through the 
Hall "Rooms for the Seiver," whereupon all in the Hall re- 
moved their hats. It w T as customary in most households for the 
chief officers in the establishment to walk in this procession, 
each bearing his dish to the lord's table. 29 

The first course thus "countenanced" by the Sewer to his 
Grace's board, the Carver gave an assay to the Sewer and to 
each man carrying a dish, of the food in his dish, all standing, 
after which the Carver took his appointed place at table "there 
to staye, all dynner tyme, to carve and serve in that place at his 
discretion." 30 The Sewer was the Carver's assistant, remain- 
ing right at the former's side, except while countenancing the 
second course in its turn, all the ceremonial of which was the 
same as that used for the first course, except that the assays were 
received kneeling. 31 

". . . thenne the karver, havyng his napkyn at all tymes 
uppon his left hand, and the kervyng knyfe in his right hande, 
and he shall take uppon the poynte of his knyf iiij trenchours, 
and so cowche them iustely before the principall, iij lying 
iustely to-geder, ij under, and one uppon, and the fowerth be- 
fore, iustely for to lay uppon salte. (i.e. to put salt on — ed. 
Furnivall.) and the next, lay iij trenchours; and soo iij or ij 
after her degree, therto the botler most be redy with sponys and 
napkyns, that ther as the trenchours be cowched, lay the spone 
and the napkyn therto, and soo thorowe the borde. 

"Thenne the kerver shall take into his hande on or ij loves, 
and bere hem to the syde-tabill ende, and ther pare hem quarter 
on first, and bring hym hole to-geder, and cowche ij of the beste 
before the sovrayne, and to others by ij or on after ther degree. 

"Thenne the kerver or sewer most asserve every disshe in his 
degre, after order and course of servise as f olowith : first mus- 
tard and brawne, swete wyne sheAved therto. (i.e. served with it.) 

Potage. 
"Befe and moton, swan or gese. grete pies, capon or fesaunt; 
leche or fretours. Thenne yef potage be chaungeabill after 

29 Brathwait, 22. Breviate, 317. Northumberland Household BooJc, 420. 

30 Brathwait, 22. 
si Breviate, 324. 



435] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 161 

tyme and season of the yere as f allith, as here is rehercid : by 
example, ffor befe and moton ye shall take 

Pastelles or chynys of porke, 
or els tonge of befe, 
or tonge of the harte powderd ; 
Befe stewed, 

ehekyns boylyd, and baeon. 
"Thenne ayenste the seeunde cours, be redy, and come in-to 
the place, the kerver muste avoyde and take uppe the service of 
the first cours, — begynnyng at the lowest mete first, — and all 
the broke cromys, bonys, & trenehours, before the seeunde cours 
and servise be served. Thenne the second cours shall be served 
in manner and f ourme as ensample therof hereafter folowyng : 
Potage. pigge lamme stewed 
Cony Kidde rosted 
Crane Veneson rosted 
heronsewe heronsewe 
betoure betoure 
Egrete pigeons 
Corlewe Rabbetts 
wodecok a bake mete 
Pert[r]igge 



Plover Stokke-dovys stewed 

Snytys cony malard 

quayles telys wodecok 

ffretours grete byrdys 

leche 
" After the seconde cours served, kerved, and spente, hit must 
be sene, cuppys to be fillid, trenehours to be voyded. thenne by 
goode avysment the tabill muste be take uppe in the maner as 
folowith: — first, when tyme foloweth (alloweth?), the panter 
or boteler must gader uppe the sponys; after that done by 
leyser, the sewer or carver shall be-gynne at the loweste ende, 
and in order take uppe the lowest messe; after the syde-tabill 
be avoyded and take uppe, and thenne to procede to the Prin- 
cipall tabill, and ther honestly and elenly avoyde and with- 
drawe all the servise of the high table, ther-to the kerver muste 
be redy, and redely have a voyder to gader in all the broke 
brede, trenehours, cromys lying upon the tabill; levyng none 



162 . THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [436 

other thyng save the salte-seler, hole brede (yf any be lefte), 
and cuppys. 

"After this done by goode delyberacion and avysement, the' 
kerver shall take the servise of the principall messe in order and 
rule, begynnynge at the lowest, and so procede in rule unto the 
laste, and theruppon the kerver to have redy a voyder, and to 
avoyde all maner trenchours [&] broke brede in a-nother clene 
disshe voyder, and eromys, which with the kervyng-knyf shall 
be avoyded from the tabill, and thus to proeede unto the tabill 
be voyded. Thenne the kerver shall goo unto the cuppebord, 
and redresse and ordeyne wafers in to towayles of raynes or fyne 
napkyns which moste be cowched fayre and honestly uppon the 
tabill, and thenne serve the principall messe first, and so thorowe 
the tabill. j or ij yf hit so requere : therto moste be servid swete 
wyne and in feriall (holiday) tyme serve chese shraped with 
sugur and sauge-levis (sage-leaves) or ellis that hit be faire 
kervid hole, or frute as the yere yeveth, strawberys, cherys, 
perys, appulis; and in winters, wardens, eostardys roste, rosted 
on fisshe-dayes with blanche pouder, and so serve hit forth 
Thenne aftur wafers and frute spended, all maner thinge shalbe 
take uppe and avoyded, except the principall salt-seler, hole 
brede, and kervynge-knyves, the which shalbe redressed in maner 
and f ourme as they were first sette on the table ; the which, prin- 
cipall servitours of the pantre or botery, havyng his towaile, 
shall take uppe, and bere hit into his office in like wyse as he 
first brought hit unto the Tabill. 

"Thenne the principall servitours, as kerver and sewer, moste 
have redy a longe towaile applyed dowble, to be cowched uppon 
the principall ende of the table ; and that towell must be iustely 
drawen thorowe the tabill unto the lower ende, and ij servitours 
to awayte theruppon that hit be iustely cowched and sprad. 
after that done, ther muste be ordeyned basyns, and ewers with 
water bote or colde as tyme of the yere requerith, and to be 
sette uppon the tabill, and to stonde unto the grace be saide; 
and incontynent after grace seide, the servitours to be redy to 
awayte and attende to yeve water, first to the principall messe, 
and after that to the seconde, incontynent after this done, the 
towayle and tabill-clothis most be drawen, cowched, and sprad, 
and so by litill space taken uppe in the myddis of the tabill, and 
so to be delyvered to the officer of pantery or botery. 



437] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 163 

"Thenne uprysyng, servitours muste attende to avoyde ta- 
bills, trestellis, formys and stoyls, and to redresse bankers and 
quyssyons. then the boteler shall avoyde the cupborde, begyn- 
nyng at the lowest, procede in rule to the hieste, and bere hit 
in-to his office. Thenne after mete, hit most be awayted and well 
entended by servitours yf drinke be asked, and yf ther be knyght 
or lady or grete gentil-woman, they shall be servid uppon kne 
with brede and wyne. ' ' 32 

The Gentleman Usher, throughout the repast was alert to its 
correct progress; "Hee is to take his place for dinner and sup- 
per at the bordes ende, the better to see through the whole table, 
the behaviour of all the servanntes, and where any wants bee, to 
have them supplied, and that there bee not talkinge, neather any 
discourse amongst them, but to bee quiette while meales bee 
donne, for loud talke at that tyme, and in that place, in all 
houses of order, is accompted barbarus and rusticall, and there- 
fore by them to bee espeeiallie avoided and looked into. ' ' 33 

Some of the things which engaged the attention of a watchful 
Usher during dinner, are described in the directions for service 
which were observed in the household of Lord Fairfax, and 
probably in scores of other noble houses, a part of which direc- 
tions, in the words of an old servant of that house are as follows : 

"If one Servant have occasion to speak to another about Ser- 
vice att the Table, let him whisper, for noyse is uncivil. 

' ' If any Servant have occasion to go f orthe of the Chamber for 
any thing, let him make haste, and see that no more than towe be 
absent. And for prevention of Errands, let all Sawces be ready 
at the Door, for even one messe of Mustard will take a Man's at- 
tendance from the Table; but least any thing happen unexpected, 
let the Boy stand within the Chamber Door for Errands. 

"And see that your Water and Voyder be redy soe soon as 
Meate is served and sett on the Table without. Have a good eye 
to the Board for empty Dishes and the placing of others, and let 
not the Board be unfurnished. 

"Let no man fill Beere or "Wine but the Cup-board Keeper, 
who must make choice of his Glasses or Cups for the Company, 
and not to serve them hand over heade. He must also know 

32 "FFor to serve a lord," in Manners and Meals in Olden Time, Part 3, 
366 et seq. Early English Text Society, J. Furnivall, ed. 
33Breviate. 325. 



164 • THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [438 

which be for Beere and which for Wine ; for it were a foul 
thing to mix them together." And finally the oft repeated in- 
junction admonishing silence — "for it is the greatest part of 
Civility. ' ' 34 With this last precept should be set down in con- 
clusion a note of the Usher's orders to the servants not to barken 
to any table-talk, a delinquency on their part which often 
enough, probably called for his correction. Every Gentleman 
Usher was supposed ". . . to give notice to all wayters, that 
they give noe eare to table taulke, for that withdraweth the eie 
and minde from respecte of theire service, for the eye muste 
bee still movinge about the sercuite of the table, that if any 
wanntes bee, thay maye with speede bee suppliede. ' ' 35 

Probably most households, as did the establishment of Ed- 
ward, Earl of Derby, helped the Gentleman Usher to get effec- 
tive waiter service, by demanding a preliminary training. His 
Grace ordered ". . . that no gent, comyng to my L. service 
shall wayte at the table before my L. gyve cone, and no yoman 
shall wayte till he have bene in the house one yeare and moore 
at my L. his pleasure. ' ' 36 

It remains to be said concerning the dinner service on ordi- 
nary occasions in the Great Chamber, that while it was in prog- 
ress, the Yeoman Usher took his stand at the door of the Cham- 
ber, to see to it that none gained admittance to the room but 
those who had the right to enter. 37 

Dinner in the Hall was ordinarily as pompously conducted, in 
proportion, as it was in the Great Chamber. Here, however, all 
the deference was paid to the Officers of the Household, at the 
first table, the entire service being under command of the Yeo- 
man Usher of the Hall. As has been observed the Yeoman at- 
tended personally to dressing the Officer's board and "When 
the Earles table and gentlewomen are served, the Vsher with a 
lowde voice is to saye: To the dresser genUemens men, for my 
Lords cheefe Officers." 38 His further functions are best set 
forth by the contemporary, Brathwait: "Meate being placed on 
the tables, the Vsher with a lowde voyce is to call, Pantler, who 

34 Northumberland Household Boole, 423-424. 

ssBreviate, 323. 

se Stanley Papers, Part 2, 8. 

37Breviate, 332-333. 

ss Brathwait, 23-24. 



439] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 165 

therat is to come and furnish the bordes with breade. After- 
wards he is to call, Butler, and then he is to set beere on the 
tables, and so often as he shall call either of them in meale times, 
they must come to bring bread or beere that wanteth. When 
the second course is served to the Earles table and to the gentle- 
women, then is the Vsher to bring the Officers second course and 
to send for such reward as is allowed to them that sitt at their 
table, or to strangers, or other bordes. ' ' 39 

"The Yeomen and Groomes having dined or supped, the 
Vsher is to call, Amner (Almoner) take away, which being done 
the Yeomen and Groomes are to rise and come and doe rever- 
ence to the cheefe Officers. When they have dined and thancks 
given to God, their meate taken of the table by their owne men, 
the Vsher is to call Ewer, who is to come and serve the Officers 
with water, the Vsher holding the Towel. ' ' 40 Hereupon the rest 
of the dinners followed in their proper order, as described above. 

Intricate as were all the arrangements for service in the Great 
Chamber and the Hall as just described, added details always 
augmented their solemn pompousness when guests, friends or 
strangers came to sojourn at a nobleman's castle. This was ex- 
ceedingly frequent, so common, in fact that it might have been 
truer to the ancient mode of life whose description is in order 
here, had the customs observed for entertainment been explained 
as the ordinary day's order of events. 

Hospitality was constantly and generously practiced, as just 

39 In most household accounts there was ordinarily one group of accounts 
under the caption "Gifts and Rewards" which were varying sums of 
money, generally small, and which might include payments to some of the 
household servants by guests in the house. Thus in the household accounts 
of Eichard Bertie, March of 1850 — "In rewarde to the servants in Mes- 
tress Sissells house," 6s:8d. Grimsthorpe House Papers, 463. This might 
have been the meaning of "reward" as used by Brathwait. Another 
meaning, however, seems more probable. The "Boke of Curtasye" dated 
by Mr. Furnivall c. 1430-1440, portraying the duties of the Marshal of 
the Hall, says — ■ 

"When brede fayles at borde aboute, 
The marshalle gares sett with-outen doute 
More brede, that calde is a rewarde, 
Se shalle hit be preuet be-fore stuadre. " — p. 312. 
The Bdke of Curtasye, in Manners and Meals in Olden Time, Ed. by Furni- 
vall for the Early English Text Society. 

40 Brathwait, p. 24. 



166 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOE NOBLEMAN [440 

observed, and usually on a scale, furthermore, whose generous 
proportions make a modern wonder. The 5th Earl of North- 
umberland made yearly allowances for guests, and the costs 
were regarded as an integral part of his household expense 
budget; in 1512, computing his probable accounts for 1512-1513, 
he calculated on entertaining fifty-seven strangers, on the av- 
erage, daily throughout the year, and he rated the cost at two 
and one-half pence per man each day. 

Almost as a matter of course, folks went in and out of these 
great houses, tarrying, perhaps, for a single meal, or even lighter 
refreshment, or stopping for a protracted sojourn. The country 
establishments of the Earls of Derby were constantly the resort 
of guests of all degrees, the Steward's weekly journal being 
largely given over to an enumeration of visitors, with note of 
their advent and departure; the following, selected at random, 
are all characteristic entries : June 10th-16th, 1586. — ' ' On 
Sondaye Mr. Bradshaw came to dyner, Mr. Rec. (i.e. Receiver) 
Mr. Carter, Mr. Caldewell, came, and Mr. Leigh pretched; on 
Monday, all my L. Cownsell came, and Mr. Caldewell pretched, 
Mr. Cutebert Halsoll and his wiffe, Mr. Skillycorne came, Mr 
Henry Stanley senio. & Mr. Henry Stanley Jvnio. Mr To. Pres- 
ton, & Mr. Christof er Preston came ; on Tvesday my L. Bush- 
oppe of Chester & Mr. Salesbury came; on Wednesday more 
strandgers there all daye ; on Thursdaye they went all awayes 
save my L. busshoppe who dep'ted vpon fryday: and this weke 
was Whitson Weke." 

Again August 12th-19th, 1587, — "On Sonday Mr Rec. came, 
Sr. Rye. Mollynex, Mr Petter Leigh, Mr Tildesley, & many more 
at dyner, yong Mr Halsall and Mrs Dorothy Stanley came; on 
Monday ij unkles of Mr Salusburyes came, & alsoe yong Mr 
Trayfforth & Mr Worseley; on Tvesday my L. rode into Wir- 
rall, Mr Salusbury & his wiffe to Sefton, on w*ch. daye all 
strandgers went away; my L. Strange 's little doughter stayed, 
on Thursday Mr Salesbury came again; on Friday Mr Halsall 
and Mrs. Dorothie came againe ; & on Saturday my L. retorned 
home. ' ' 41 Some of these people were relatives of the Stanley 
family, but the majority were "strangers." 

Similar notes from like accounts kept for the Willoughbys at 

4i Stanley Papers, Part 2, 30-31, 35-36. 



441] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 167 

"Wallaton bear eloquent testimony to their generous entertain- 
ment of guests. During the year 1587-1588, the clerk frequent- 
ly notes — ' ' This weke howshold only, with comers and goers. ' ' 
But notable folk dropped in upon them from time to time, and 
such were always recorded with more flourish — ' ' July 1 — 
This weeke Mr. Percyvall Wyllughby and Mr George Pudsie 
and his sonne came on Monday at nighte ; Mr George Pudsie and 
his sonne went awaye on Thursday morning, and Mr. Percy 
stayed all the week. And this weeke on Wednesday Sir Thomas 
Mannours dyned at the Chauntrey with other comers and 
goers. ' ' 

Often the Earl of Rutland with his Countess and, perchance, 
a goodly retinue visited at Wallaton — ' ' The xj day of Novem- 
ber, being Saterday in Lenton Fayre tyme, the Earle of Rutland 
and the Cowntysse, Sir Thomas Manners and his Lady, Sir 
Gervas Clyfton and his Ladie, Sir Anthony Strellery and his 
Ladie with dyvers other gentlemen of six score persons dyned." 
In August of 1599 again, the earl with many other gentlemen 
"came to denner with LXX persones attendinge." Or perhaps 
it was just a friendly neighborhood call — August 12th, 1599 — 
"Many nigbores that came to see my mistress dyned here teis 
daye." or August 13th — "XXX wyves of Wallaton that came 
to see my mistress dyned hear this day. ' ' 42 

At festival times, entertainment frequently assumed tremen- 
dous proportions. For Christmas in 1508, Edward, Duke of 
Buckingham, at his residence of Thornburg, feasted two hun- 
dred and ninety-four people at dinner and supper, of whom one 
hundred and eighty-two at dinner, and one hundred and sev- 
enty-six at supper were "strangers." On January 6th, at the 
Feast of the Epiphany of the following year, this same noble- 
man entertained five hundred and nineteen people at dinner and 
four hundred at supper, the total number of strangers at the 
first repast being three hundred and nineteen, and at supper 
two hundred and seventy-nine. 43 

On both of these occasions the feasters made up a cosmopol- 
itan assemblage, including members of the ducal household, 
lords and knights, bailiffs, tenants, both of the duke and of 

42 MSS. of Lord Middleton, 454, 461, 462, etc. 

4 3 Household Accoimts, Archaeologia, XXV, 319 et seq. 



168 . THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [442 

his retainers, religious men — chaplains and abbots, musicians 
and waits, who probably amused the throng, together with a 
great number unnamed, so many ' ' from the town ' ' and so many 
"from the country." 

The truly delightful and spontaneous manner in which en- 
tertainment might be offered, is displayed in a contemporary 
narrative by one of three men, who, in August of 1634, made a 
survey of twenty-six counties, in a seven weeks' journey begun 
at Norwich. They were a "Captaine, a Lieutennant, and an 
Ancient" of the military company of Norwich, and in the 
course of their peregrinations they fetched up at Naworth 
Castle, one of the great residences of Lord William Howard, of 
border fame. 

Unfortunately, at their arrival, Lord William was not at 
home, so after tarrying a brief while, the three repaired to the 
ancient city of Carlisle ; thither a servant of his Grace 's was 
later dispatched, to invite them to dinner at Corby Castle, where 
Lord Howard was then sojourning; highly honoured, the flatter- 
ing offer was at once accepted, and the story of their visit fol- 
lows, as it was afterward set down by one of them : " . . . The 
next day wee went thither, and were by that generous brave 
Lord curteously and nobly entertayn'd, and sorry, he sayd, he 
was, that hee was not at Naworth to give us then the like. His 
Lordship's commaunds made us to transgresse good manners, 
for neither would he suffer us to speak uncover 'd, nor to stand 
up (although our duty requir'd another posture) but plae'd us 
by his Lordship himselfe to discourse with him untill dinner 
time. 

"Anon appear 'd a grave and vertuous matron, his Honorable 
Lady, who told us, indeed we were heartily welcome, and whilst 
our Ancient and my selfe address 'd our selves to satisfy his 
Lordship in such occurrences of Norfolke as he pleas 't to aske, 
and desir'd to know, wee left our modest Captaine to relate to 
his noble Lady what she desir'd. These noble twaine (as it 
pleas 'd themselves to tell us themselves) could nott make above 
25 yeares both togeather, when first they were marry 'd, that now 
can make above 140 yeares, and are very hearty, well, and merry, 
and long may they continue soe, for soe have they all iust cause 
to pray, that live neere them, for their hospitality and fre enter- 



443] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 169 

tainment, agrees with, their generous and noble extraction, and 
their yeeres retaines the memory of their honorable predecessors' 
bountifull house keeping. 

' ' Amongst other dishes that came then to his Lordship 's table, 
one there was serv'd in at the second course, which was not 
usuall, a live roe; and as there was great store of venison, soe 
was there plenty of wine, and as freely these two noble persons 
commaunded it to be filled. I verily thinke his Honor may 
commaund venison there as our southerne gentlemen doe sheep 
heere, for I heard his Lordship say that his sonnes had then 
kill'd out of his owne parkes 120 buckes of this season. Soone 
after dinner we desir'd to take our leaves, and to that end wee 
presented our selves, which his Lordship courteously graunted, 
after wee had told him our designes, and commaunded one of 
his gentlemen to accompany us over those dangerous fells, and 
to be our guide to Graystoke Castle, his noble nephew's, and 
himself e vouchsaf 'd to bring us through his gardens and walkes 
to the river side, and there committed us to a noble gentleman 
his sonne to passe in a boat with us over the said river. . . " 44 

The gossipy interlude played by hosts and guests, offers one 
explanation for the universal custom of lavish hospitality ob- 
served by all noblemen in those days. For most people, life was 
very isolated, travelling precarious and costly — naturally then, 
how welcome were those who brought in news of the outside 
world — ' ' occurrences at Norf olke ' ' ! Furthermore, it must be 
remembered that entertainment offered an opportunity for dis- 
play; it exalted the prestige of a house; both were desiderata 
highly Worth while ; and finally, a weighty consideration, all the 
noblemen still had numerous important relations with many 
people in the adjacent country-side, due to their old feudal 
status; they were constantly besought on business by this one or 
that, and common respectability, no doubt, frequently urged 
hospitality upon them. The 5th Earl of Northumberland was 
compelled to retain always the services of one of his household 
council, even when he kept his so-called "secret-house" during 
accounting times, ". . . for Aunswering ande Riddyng of 
Causis whenne Suters cumeth to my Lorde. ' ' 45 Probably these 

44 The Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, 
480-490. 

45 Northumberland Household Book, 304. 



170 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [444 

"suters" frequently came from a distance, or were good ten- 
ants — in any case deserving of some entertainment. 

Before turning next to a description of what might be called 
the mechanics of hospitality, one other consideration is in order 
concerning it. Whatever its character, plain or sumptufous, 
crowded or otherwise, there was nothing slip-shod about the con- 
duct of entertainment anywhere; in fact, from the accountant's 
side of the picture, it was strictly a business proposition, the 
amusement or satisfaction to a host growing actually insignifi- 
cant compared with the looming magnitude of the expense in- 
volved. It was a very costly luxury, and strictness regarding 
accounts was but a necessary precaution to control it. 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland commanded his brevement 
clerks to record by name every stranger who came to the house. 46 
Every day his Clerk of the Kitchen had to " . . . east up . . . 
the Chequyrroll ande the Straungeours ande deduct the Va- 
cauntes to see how th' Expenses of the Brevements woll wey 
togeder ande whanne they finde a Deffawt too refforme it furth- 
with ande shew the said Officers there Deffawtts in there mys- 
brevynge if they be soo founde." 47 The earl's regulation for 
obtaining this accounting is too spectacular to omit; it follows 
verbatim — a leisurely, windy globe-circuit to achieve a simple 
problem in arithmetic : 

"THE FOURM OF A DRAUGHT How it schal be for 
TOTALLING of the NOUMBRE of the Chequirroil 
with the Noumbre of the Straungers the Vacants De- 
ducted For a Mouneth When they caste up the Par- 
sonnes at the Mounthes end. 
"FIRSTE To caste ovir the Parsonnes of the Chequirroill 
Double every Etting Daie Ande upon the Fasting Daies but 
Single the Parsons Ande than to Deducte all the Parsons that 
be Vacante of the Chequirroill in the saide Mouneth Ande make 
that the Nombre of the Chequirroill The Parsons that ar Vacant 
Deducted. 

"ITEM Than to caste ovir all your Straungers in the saide 
Mouneth. 

46 Northumberland Household Boole, 115. 

47 Ibid., 117. 



445] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 171 

"ITEM Than to caste ovir all your Vacantes of the Par- 
sonnes of the Chequirroill wanting in the saide Mouneth. 

"ANDE than to caste the Fyrste Noumbre in the whiche the 
Vacants of the Personnes of your Chequirroil are deducted and 
laye to theim your Straungers daily in the saide Mouneth to the 
said Noumber Ande than to take half of it uppon the Fasting 
Daie and Double the Etting Daye And than to make the Nombre 
of the same. ' ' 4S 

Finally to guarantee against any negligent accounting, his 
Grace ruled that breving be done twice a day ". . . Furst 
Tyme incontinent aftir the Dynner Ande the Second Tyme at 
Aftur Supper when Lyverys is servid at highe Tymes as Prin- 
cipal Feests. . . And at any outher tymes when ther is any 
great Eepaire of Straungers in the Hous Bicause the Officers 
shalle not forget for longe beering of it in their mynds." 49 

While not affecting guests exactly, ordinances established both 
by the Duke of Clarence and the Earls of Derby, reflect the de- 
sire of those noblemen to keep their establishments free from 
useless hangers-on. In 1469 Clarence ruled — "ITEM, That 
noe person of the courte, of what degree or condition he be, leve 
behynd hym, when he departeth oute of the courte, neither man, 
childe, horse, grayhoundes, ne other houndes to the seid Dukes 
charge, uppon peyne of losinge a weeke's wages." 50 

Similarly, in 1568, Edward, 3rd Earl of Derby instituted — 
"It'm that there shall not be anie yoman or other not in the 
Chekerolle that shall tarie to burthen my L. his house, but one 
daye or meale at one tyme. ' ' 51 

Astute old Burghley expressed himself most clearly to his son 
on this important side of domestic life — "And touching the 
^guiding of thy house let thy hospitality be moderate & according 
to the means of thy estate, rather plentifull than sparing, but 
not costly. For I never knew any man grow poor by keeping 
an orderly table. But some consume themselves through their 
secret vices, and their hospitality bears the blame. But banish 
swinish drunkards out of thine house, which is a vice imparing 

^Northumberland Household Booh, 290-291. 

49/Znd!., 164. 

so Royal Household Ordinances, 93. 

si Stanley Papers, Part 2, 9. 



172 . THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [446 

health, consuming much & makes no shew. I never heard praise 
ascribed to the drunkard, but [for] well-bearing [of] his drink; 
which is a better commendation for a brewers horse or a dray- 
man, than for either a gentleman, or [a] serving man. ' ' 52 

That wise old nobleman lived up to his advices too. A con- 
temporary says of his hospitality — "When his Lordship was 
able to sit abroad he kept an honourable table, for noblemen and 
others to resort [to]. But when age and infirmity grew upon 
him he was forced to keep his chamber: where he was void 
neither of company nor meat. Having as many of his friends 
and children [to dine with, and keep him company there] as 
before, he had strangers in his parlor. His diet being then as 
chargable weekly, as when he came abroad. His Lordships hall 
was ever well furnished with men, [and as well] served with 
meat, and kept in good order. For his steward kept a standing 
table for gentlemen, besides two other long tables; [many times 
twice set] One for the clerk of the kitchen and the other Yeo- 
men. " 53 

In conclusion now, some of the management details connected 
with the entertainment of guests in the household. In a well- 
ordered establishment, if it were known that guests were ex- 
pected, entertainment for them began really with the cordial 
reception designed to put them at their ease at their very ad- 
vent. Lord Fairfax, for example, commanded "That all the 
Servants be redy upon the Terras at such tymes as the Strangers 
do come, to attend their alightinge. ' ' 5i This nobleman was but 
one of the scores probably whose politeness to strangers began 
at the castle gates. 

At meal times strangers were carefully sorted and ushered to 
table, where, as with all in the household, their places were de- 
termined by their social status. If guests chanced to be of the 
nobility, they dined with the lord of the household, at his 
board, while those of inferior degree were placed at the Knight's 
table in the Great Chamber, or with the officers in the Hall, and 
so on, as might be. If there were a great press of guests, as, for 
example, during holiday season, numerous tables would be set 

52 Advice to his son. Peek, Desiderata Curiosa, 47-48. 

53 Anon. Biography in Peek, op. cit., 22 et seq. 
s* Northumberland Household Boole, p. 421. 



447] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 173 

up in the Great Chamber and the Hall, each presided over by 
some officer of the household, who properly represented the 
establishment at his board. There were occasions when each of 
the officers had his table in the Hall. 55 

In the Great Chamber, the Gentleman Usher had the delicate 
and conceivably awkward and troublesome task of arranging the 
seating at table. He ". . . is to have speciall respecte howe 
to place all such the beste sorte of stranngers, at the lordes table, 
least by wronnging any in such sorte, discontentment maye 
growe, and if hee doubt in his owne knowledge, hee is to take the 
opinion of the lorde, for the better avoidinge any such 
wronng. . . " 56 

All "above salt" at the lord's board end, had the special 
consideration of the Carver and Sewer, who, unless directly or- 
dered by his Grace or her ladyship, were to pay no attention to 
any of the benighted crew below the eondimental line of de- 
markation ! 57 Above or below the salt ! An expression replete 
with significance, especially for the Gentleman Usher. Every 
phase of that functionary's activities "above stairs" were im- 
portant, however, and especially so, his duties in the Great 
Chamber, where the pressure upon him may be sensed as well 
from what has been noted already, as from the following addi- 
tional contemporary observations concerning the urgent need 
for a well-conducted service in that place — "Hee (the Gentle- 
man Usher) is to see the greate chamber bee fynne and neatlie 
kepte, and that there wannte noe necessarie utencies therein, and 
to commannde the yeomen ushers of the greate chamber, to exe- 
cute theire derections whatsoever, for theire lordes service, to bee 
donne with speede, for in that place there muste bee noe delaye, 
because it is the place of state, where the lorde keepeth his pres- 
ence, and in the ieyes of all the best sorte of stranngers bee there 
lookers on ; that what faulte beeinge there committed, bee never 
so littell, sheweth more than in any place ells wheresoever, and 
therefore a special respecte, care and dilligens, is to bee had 
therein, for that place before all others is the cheefe and prin- 
cipall staite in the house, for service there not dewlie and comlie 

55 Brathwait, 21. 
56Breviate, 325. 
57 Brathwait, 321-322. 



174 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [448 

donne, disgraceth all the rest in any place ells, as littell woorth, 
what chardge of entertaynement soever bee bistowede, wherefore 
the gentlemen ushers is to take a special care herein for theire 
creddite sake and honnor of that place. ' ' 58 

Richard Brathwait was surely correct when he closed his re- 
marks about this office with saying — " . . . onely this will I 
adde, that they are to be well countenanced, bothe by the Earle 
and his Ladye, otherwise their appointments will be little re- 
garded; also in respect that (if rightly they use their place) it 
will be founde not so pleasant as painefull vnto them." 59 

It is only fair to noblemen, however, to presume that proper 
"countenancing" was a most difficult task, a flaw in the accom- 
plishing of which might result very seriously for all concerned. 
The 9th Earl of Northumberland, whose conjugal relations, to 
be sure, weren't what they might have been, warned his son and 
heir in the following uncomfortable vein — ' ' Gripe into yowr 
hands what poore soe ever yow will of governement, yett will 
there be certain persons about yowr wyffe, that yow will never 
reduce ; — a gentleman ushier, her tailor, and her woman ; for 
they will ever talke, and ever be unreasonable. ' ' 60 

There were other exigencies too, unpleasant, possibly danger- 
ous, or perhaps simply diverting. Referring again to Chapman 's 
play, the Gentleman Usher, already quoted: part of the plot 
turns upon Prince Vincentio and his pal, Lord Strozza, who are 
scheming to promote the Prince's difficult court-ship of Earl 
Lasso's pretty daughter, Margaret. Circumstances seem to make 
the prospect of success very doubtful, but Strozza says to the 
Prince — 

Stro. Despaire not: there are meanes enow for you; 

Suborne some servant of some good respect 

Thats neere your choice, who, though she needs no wooing, 

May yet imagine you are to begin 

Your strange yong love sute, and so speake for you, 

Beare your kind letters, and get safe accesse. 

All which, when he shall do, you neede not feare 

His trustie secrecie, because he dares not 

Eeveale escapes whereof himself e is author; 

Whom you may best attempt she must reveale; 

ssBreviate, 322. 
59 Brathwait, 12. 
eo Advices to his son, Archaeologia, XXVII, 337. 



449] GREAT CHAMBER AND HALL SERVICE 175 

For if she already loves you, she already knows, 
And in an instant can resolve you that. 

and the Prince, forthwith seizing his first opportunity to put 
this advice into effect presently addresses Margaret thus, — 

Vin. You needes must presently devise 

What person, trusted chiefley with your guard, 

You thinke is aptest for me to corrupt, 

In making him a meane for our safe meeting. 

and Margaret replies, right off-hand, completely .sure of her- 
self— 

Mar. My fathers usher, none so fit, 

If you can worke him well : and so farewell, ' ' 

and surely enough, Bassiolo it was, who really furthered the suit 
of the young lovers, though in a manner both cowardly and 
ungracious. 

But to return to our theme — Another custom altered most 
pleasantly the ordinary manner of dining in the castle when 
guests were about. Brathwait says — "At great feasts, or in 
time of great strain gers, when it is time for the Ewer to cover 
the table for the Earle; (the Trumpetter) ... is to sounde 
to give warning, and the drumme to play till the Ewer be readie 
to goe up with the service, and then to give place to the Mu- 
sitians, who are to play . . . upon Shagbutte, Cornetts, 
Shalmes, and such other instruments going with winde. (and) 
In meale times to play upon Violls, Violins, or other broken 
musicke. ' ' 61 Surely a delightful addition to the whole stately 
ceremonial! Against this need for music in time of "great 
strangers," much might be said; preparedness, was of course, 
part of the day's order; thus the Earl of Rutland paid on April 
9th, 1541 "to Richard Pyke for corde for the drumme and 
skynnes for the hede of the drumme agaynst the Duke of Nor- 
folke's comynge to Belvoire." 3s:4d., and again, "Item, to the 
regall make, for Nottingham for bryngyng a paire of regalles 
agaynst my Lorde's Grace Duke of Norfolke comyng, 12d." 62 

For guests of a lesser degree, or on the occasion of a festival, 
the service in the Great Hall was also enriched. A Marshal or 
Marshals of the Hall, if such honourable positions were not 
ordinarily filled by one or two of the lord's chief officers, would 

6i Brathwait, 44. 

es MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 309, 313, etc. 



176 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [450 

surely be elected to office for the time being, they to have during 
all the ceremonies, entire charge and running of the Hall. 
Brathwait well describes the duties of this office : "If the Earle 
be to receive and entertaine the Kinges Majestie, Queene, or our 
Lord the Prince, for that time he is to make choice of such a 
gentleman, either of his ordinarie household or of his Retainers, 
as his Lordship shall thincke fittest to supply that place, who 
should be a man well experienced, courteous, and well spoken ; he 
is to carry in his hand a white rodd, and to appoint the Yeomen 
Vshers to place all strangers according to their degrees, as he 
shall direct them. He must be allowed out of the household 
offices to have such meate, breade, and beere, as he will send 
unto them for: For it is not sufficient that the Kinges Majestie 
and such Nobles as attend be roially feasted and entertained, if 
Servingmen and such meaner personages be not liberally and 
bowntif ully served ; nor shall the feast carry any great fame, if 
the Hall and such places wherin Servingmen and their like, are 
be streighted and scanted. Therfore the Marshall and the Yeo- 
men Ushers should be men that with francke and kinde speeches 
can grace the service. ' ' 63 

The Yeoman Usher of the Hall furnished the Marshals with 
their white staves, which were always in the latter 's hands when 
they were on duty in the Hall, ". . . but if they goe forth, 
they are to leave them with the Porter till they returne. ' ' 6i As 
a requital for this little service on the part of the Yeoman 
Usher, the Officers Marshal gave him each year "". . . a new 
yeares gift, which is proper to him selfe. " 65 

Such were the more important features of the daily service in 
the Great Chamber and Hall in Tudor times. The description is 
fragmentary, but contemporaries, well schooled in the matter 
they discussed, have supplied the details used, and their old 
narratives suffice, after all, to convey no mean impression of the 
subject in which they were so .deeply interested. 



es Brathwait, 20. 
e*Ibid., 25. 
** Ibid., 25. 



CHAPTER VIII 
WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 

"Under the shadow of Thy wings I die for refuge O Almightie God of 
power and glorie, before whom Hell is naked and destruction has no cov- 
ering — before whom Angells hide their faces and the pillars of Heaven 
shake, who inhabitest Eternity, and who had no beginning and never shall 
have end, who is the beginning and end of all things, 'Maker of Heaven 
and Earth'." 

"We may go from East to West, from North to South; we may ransack 
all ages from one to another, and whever we find MAN we also find a 
Eeligion and God acknowledged by sacrifices and prayers, although men 
have diversely conceived of God according to their own fancies and imag- 
inations. ' ' 

' ' Some tell us that the true religion is nothing else but charity, which 
is the performing of a man's duty toward his neighbor. And men, if they 
durst, would also tell us that religion is but an instrument of civil govern- 
ment. We say that religion cannot exist without charity, yet that charitie 
is not the mark whereby to discern the true religion, but to discern who is 
religious. ' ' 

— From The Private Devotions of James, Seventh Earl of Derby. 

Before the religious reform carried its austere practices into 
effect in England, the spiritual side of the life in a great house- 
hold was a phase of domestic existence most elaborately and 
beautifully ministered unto. Self-sufficing in so many respects, 
these noble establishments maintained a complete equipment for 
amply conducting the intricate and varied ritualistic services 
of the old church. 

In the early sixteenth century the 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land supported eleven priests in his household ; they were the 
Chapel-Dean, Surveyor, Secretary, Almoner, the Sub-Dean, who 
ordered the choir daily in Chapel, his Grace's Riding Chaplain, 1 
a Chaplain attending daily upon the earl's eldest son and heir, 
the Clerk of the Closet, the Master of Grammar, the Gospeller, 
and lastly, the Lady Mass Priest. From the very nature of their 

1 I.e., to accompany the earl on a journey, etc. 

177 



178 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [452 

official positions, various of these men were often otherwise oc- 
cupied than with spiritual affairs. However, the rule was laid 
down, that while this group of servitors was relieved from daily 
attendance, and from waiting in the Great Chamber upon the 
earl, because of their duties of office, they did have to be on 
hand at service times and at meals. 2 

In addition to his clerics, the earl had a practiced choir con- 
cerning whose efficiency he was very solicitous. In 1512 it was 
composed of fifteen persons — six children and nine men, basses, 
tenors and countertenors, 3 and then cost Northumberland £35 : 
15s. annually, in wages. 4 Later, however, when it was demon- 
strated that the four countertenors could not supply all the 
places for those voices which the household services required, 
two additional singers were at once hired. 5 

Careful orders were formulated for these servants, describing 
the allotment of their places in the conduct of the different re- 
ligious exercises. Thus the four priests were responsible for 
singing Mass each day ; the Sub-Dean officiated at High Mass at 
"double feasts" and was to stand ready ". . . to ease outher 
Preistis of Masse when he seith they shall nede." His three 
fellows apportioned among themselves the duties of leadership 
at High and Lady Mass each week, the officiator at the Lady 
Mass serving as Gospellor the same week at High Mass. 6 

For the services at Matins, Mass and Even-song the principals 
in the Chapel were regularly ordered after this wise, — on the 
"Dean's side," that functionary himself, with the Sub-dean, 
then a bass, a tenor and three countertenors, while on the "sec- 
ond side" were ranged, first the Lady Mass priest, then, in or- 
der, the Gospeller, a bass, two countertenors, a tenor, a counter- 
tenor and a tenor. The choir Rectors at these services were 
changed throughout the week, probably to suit the exigencies of 
the antiphonal music sung or to avoid monotony; on Monday 
and Tuesday basses stood Rectors on either side; on Wednesday 
two countertenors occupied the positions, while Thursday, Fri- 

2 Northumberland Household Boole, 322-323. 
s Ibid., 44. The highest male voice, usually a falsetto. 
4 Ibid., 27. 

s Ibid., 367. (There was an addition to the basses also; compare 40-41 
and 373-374. 
^ Ibid., 376. 



453] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 179 

day and Saturday, leadership was assumed by a countertenor 
and a tenor in alternation. 7 

The Chapel stations as arranged for the Lady Mass during the 
week stood usually, three countertenors, a tenor and a bass, 
varied as to position on different days, except on Friday, or 
when his Grace was present for the service, at which times the 
whole Chapel assisted. 8 

The basses "set" the choir each day, serving turn for turn, 
while in like manner those of the Chapel group who were skilled 
at the "organs," turn and turn about, took charge of those in- 
struments for a week at a time. 9 

Besides these full daily services, there were all the special 
festivals and Holy-days more particularly observed. Among 
these, some sixteen feasts stand out, marked by celebrations on 
the eve as well as on the day, — Michaelmas, Allhallows, Christ- 
mas, New Years, Twelfth Night, Candlemas, Shrove Tuesday, 
Lady Day, "Tenable Wednesday" (a corruption of "Tene- 
brae"), Easter, Ascension Eve, Whitsunday, Corpus Christi, 
Trinity Sunday, Midsummer Eve, and Lammas. 10 Twenty-four 
people regularly took part in the service of these festivals; this 
included the full choir under four Rectors choir. 11 

Each of these feasts saw every participant in freshly laun- 
dered surplice and alb, while their advent likewise marked the 
terms of the altar-cloths, which, as well, were put through their 
ablutions preparatory to the celebrations. This constituted the 
". . . Holl WESHING of all mannar of LYNNON belong- 
ing my Lordes Chapell for an Holl Yere . . ." and such 
tidiness cost his Grace full 17s :4d. per annum ! 12 

While certain of these Holy-days, the so-called "principall 
feasts," were accompanied with merriment and laden board 
(jovial contingents if scarcely religious), an integral part of the 
sacred observance of Lent was its prescribed menu, expressly 
provided in all the great households, Catholic and Protestant 
alike. Northumberland especially purchased against that grey 

7 Northumberland Household Book, 367, 370. 

s/Mi, 368-369. 

? Ibid., 369, 373-374. 

lolbid., 242-244. 

ii Ibid., 198. 

12 Northumberland Household Boole, 242 et seq. 



180 ■ THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [454 

season, stock-fish, white and red herring, sprats, salt salmon, 
sturgeon, eels, figs and great raisins, all in sufficient quantities 
to last from Shrove Tide until Easter. 13 In 1576, Lord North's 
Lenten "stuff" laid in at Sturbridge Fair, consisted of "3 Bar- 
ells of Whight herring iijli.iijs.vjd. ij Cades of Redd herring 
xxs. ij Cades of Spratts iijs.viijd. xx Salt eels xxvjs.viijd. a bar- 
rell of Salt Salmon iiijli.xiijs.iiijd." 14 Edward, Earl of Derby, 
likewise paid £77 :8s :3d., in 1561, for a similar provision also 
purveyed ' ' at Sturbrug ff eare and in the countrey. ' ' 15 

Food of this sort was not the only provision used in the house- 
holds during Lent, nor were the same diet regulations set for all 
the family. Northumberland's children always had their break- 
fasts, while the rest of the family partook of but a rigorous fare 
in the morning on Sunday, Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday. 
"BRAIKFASTE for my Lorde and my Lady" consisted of 
"FURST a Loif of Brede in Trenchors ij Manchetts a Quart of 
Bere a Quart of Wyne ij Pecys of Saltfisch vj Baconn'd Her- 
ryng iiij White Herryng or a Dysche of Sproits." This menu 
was graduated down to the two loaves of bread, gallon of beer 
and two pieces of salt-fish allotted to the yeomen officers in the 
establishment, in groups of four. 16 

All of the religious services were celebrated in household 
chapels handsomely provided with the necessary utensils and 
vestments. Northumberland's "Vestry Stuf" was under the 
special charge of a vestry yeoman, and when the family moved 
from Wressil to Leckinfield, or back again, it likewise, was al- 
ways transported. For this purpose one cart was set aside; 
into it were loaded the four antiphonaries, 17 the four grails, 18 
hangings for three altars, surplices, altar cloths, and the set of 
vestments and single vestments used every day. 19 "And all 

T-siud., 7-11. 

14 Extracts from his accounts, Archaeologia, XIX, 293 et seq. 

is Stanley Papers, Part 2, 2. 

is Northumberland Household Book, 73-74. 

it "A service book compiled by Pope Gregory the Great. It comprised 
all the invitatories, responsories, collects, and whatever else was said or sung 
in the choir but the lessons." (Encyl. Diet.) 

is Grail — graduale. "A service book containing the hymns or prayers 
to be sung by the choir, so called from certain short phrases after the 
Epistle sung in gradibus (upon the steps of the altar)." (Ibid.) 

is Single vestments, likely tunicles, Bishop Percy's note in Northumber- 
land Household Boole, 447. 



455] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 181 

outher my Lordes Chapell Stuff to be sent afore by my Lords 
Chariot before his Lordshipe remeve. ' ' 20 This remainder was 
heavy appurtenance probably, for the said "Chariot" required 
seven great trotting horses to draw it. 21 

In 1543 the chapel of Thomas, Earl of Rutland, contained 
furnishings valued at £59 :19s. Among these were seven altar 
fronts including one of red damask and green "Bruges satin" 
embroidered, one ornamented with the family crest, two of 
crewel needle-work, and two of red and green Bruges satin em- 
broidered with images of John and Mary. There were eight sets 
of vestments, some with copes, three of which were for priest, 
deacon, and sub-deacon; one set was made entirely of crimson 
taffeta embroidered with angels, the cope to the same being lined 
with green sarcenet; while another, boldly emblazoned with 
falcon's wings and true-loves, suggests services commemorative 
of joyous life, as those of tawny damask or white fustian seem 
penitentially plain. In addition, there were seven separate 
copes, service books, latten candle-sticks, a cross with copper and 
gilt staff, chalices, gilt altar basins, gilt cruets, censers, holy- 
water "stok and sprynkle," and the usual pyx and sacring bell, 
together with a "ship" for frankincense. 22 The chapel stuff of 
the Duke of Suffolk, at Suffolk Place in Southwark, included in 
1535, the customary utensils, together with six gilt images of 
Mary Magdalene and Saints Edward, Margaret, Thomas, Kath- 
erine and George, each of which weighed from sixty to seventy- 
nine ounces. The entire chapel plate was estimated at a value 
of £193 :12s. 23 

Such, in meagre outline, were some of the characteristic means 
employed by great noblemen before the Reformation in fulfilling 
their religious life. How loudly, in striking contrast, does 
B rathwa.it 's description of the sober functions of an earl's 
Chaplain, or the simple emphasis laid upon preaching in a 
household like that of Edward and Henry, Earls of Derby, pro- 
claim the prosaic changes in method enacted by the triumphing 
religious innovators! 

"The Preacher or Chaplaine . . . is to be a man very 

20 Northumberland Household Boole, 387. 
2i Ibid., 127. 

22 MSS. of Duke of Butland, 4, 347, 349. 

23 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 452-453, and Introduction, xxxv. 



182 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [456 

well learned and of earnest conversation. At what time he doth 
know the Earle or Ladies pleasure, whether they will have him 
to reade a Lecture, or to say Divine Service, having prepared 
himselfe accordingly, at the hour appointed therunto, he is to 
come into the Chappell, or chamber appointed for that purpose, 
and ther to attend untill such time as the Earle and Countesse 
be placed and seated, and then to procede with his Lecture or 
Service, as hath beene appointed him. He is to dine with the 
cheefe officers, that he may be ready at the Lord his table before 
meales, to call vpon God for his blessings, and at after meales to 
give thanckes for the same. ' ' 24 This was after the very heart 
of Henry, Earl of Derby, who, in 1587 had but one Chaplain, 
Sir Gilbert Towneley, officially enrolled in his household. 25 A 
veritable troupe of divines, however, some sixteen or eighteen, 
representing the best minds among the diocesan clergy, 26 
"preached" before his Grace from time to time, either at the 
Sunday or weekly service. 27 Not infrequently, too, the pulpit 
at Lathom or Knowsley was filled by the Lord Bishop of Chester 
himself, who alone, or accompanied by his wife, was often enter- 
tained at the house, usually sojourning there for several days, 28 
What an interval — from the rich magnificence of the Roman 
Church, to the frigid plane of the "Institutes." Here were pre- 
eminently those lettered men of God, the preaching models of 
Calvin and Knox, well equipped, we fancy, as their stern vis- 
aged leaders, to hold forth mightily, while their terrified listen- 
ers did "grew and tremble," like those sobbing audiences in old 
St. Andrews! 

Music still constituted, of course, a goodly part of the Chapel 
service, and their lordships evidenced the same keen interest in 
its effective welfare as under the old regime — nay, could at 
times turn their own skill to that noble art. The very religiously- 
minded James, 7th Earl of Derby, was a lover of music, at 
least of the religious sort, and did some composing of his own, 
having written an anthem, words and music, which was often 

2 * Brathwait, op. cit., 12. 

25 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 23. 

26 Ibid., Introduction, vi-vii, and the excellent biographical notes at the 
end of the volume by the editor, Rev. F. E. Raines. 

27 Ibid., see pages of the Journal Boole, 28-90. 

28 Ibid., 31, 34-35, 44, 46, 48, 59, 64, 72, 89. 



457] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 183 

sung at Krtowsley ' ' to the organ, lute, Irish harp and violls. ' ' 29 
The anthem begins as follows — ' ' Come ye hearts that be Holy, 
celebrate your God, the unbegotten Father, the Fountain of all 
good, who made all things by his Word, and sustains them by 
the influence of his mighty Love . . ."a vigorous invoca- 
tion, urgent for stalwart harmony ! The earl relished his genial 
labour, and had not the terrible days of the Civil War rudely 
interrupted, he was minded to have wrought over the whole 
blessed Creed ! Whatever bent his Grace had for music he prob- 
ably inherited from his father, the Earl William, to whose credit 
is set down the composition of at least one original piece, in 
lighter humour than his son 's — the same being a pavin for the 
orpharion, published in 1624. However, Earl William had a 
fondness for Church music too; he established a little endow- 
ment of £100, the interest to be paid to the use of the organist 
of Chester Cathedral. 

The ordinary preparation for such a Chapel service as the 
above, was equally severe, the matter-of-fact arrangements being 
part of the functions of the Gentleman Usher. "Breakefast be- 
ing ended, the one of them is to see the chappel wher the Lec- 
ture is to be reade, or service sayde, that it be furnished with 
foote carpetts, chaires, stooles, and cushions for the Earle and 
his Ladie, and the Strangers, according to their degrees. ' ' 30 
Any unseemly interruption was avoided by locking all the gates 
just previous to prayers. The Porter saw to this charge, after- 
ward coming in to service with all his keys. 31 

Despite the fact, however, that notable alterations in the char- 
acter of household services were introduced by the Reformation, 
there was always one great practical purpose for which such ex- 
ercises were fostered, whatever their nature, ornate or plain. 
Not a noble master, but felt that his control over the servants 
was fortified, and a difficult management made more certain, 
through the attendance of the entire house, compulsory if neces- 
sary, at religious services, and regulation to that effect was gen- 
erally instituted in every establishment. 

29 Stanley Papers, Part 3, 1, xlvi-xlvii, and the notes. 

3 Brathwait, op. cit., 11. 

3i "Lord Fairfax's Orders for the servants of his household (after the 
Civil Wars)." Quoted by Bishop Percy in notes to the Northumberland 
Household Boole, 421, et seq. 



184 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [458 

In 1469, George, Duke of Clarence commenced his Domestic 
Ordinances with such a regimen, — "FYRST, sith that alle wis- 
dom, grace, and goodnesse, procedeth of veray love, drede, and 
feythfulle service of G-od, withoute whose helpe and socoure no 
good governaunce ne politique rule may be hadde ; it is ordeyned 
therefore, that every holy day the clerke of the seid Duke's 
closett shalle ringe a bell, at places convenient, to matyns, masse, 
and evensonge; and one of the chapleyns shall be redy to saye 
matyns and masse to the housholde, and also evensonge; and 
that every gentylman, yeoman and groome, not having resonable 
impediment, be at the seid dyvine service; and it is ordeyned, 
that the clerk of the closette, the seid Duke being present at 
divine service, be in his surplyce, lighting wax at the levacion 
every day thereof ; fayling, to lese his dayes wages. ' ' 32 Nor was 
this regulation simply for home use; just as insistently he fur- 
ther commanded "ITEM, that if the seid Duke lye at London, 
or any other place, at the parliamente or counsell, or whensoever 
he shall occupie his barge, that every of his servauntes, excepte 
suche as be appoynted to abide, attende, and waite diligentlye 
uppon the seide Duke ; and alsoe in alle other places ; that they 
attende uppon the seid Duke to masse and evensonge ; uppon 
peyne of a dayes wages." 33 

Early in the following century, the 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, wishing to secure at once the proper performance of 
his servitors' duties, and the benefits of their regular participa- 
tion in spiritual exercises, decreed a clever if bleak ruling to 
these ends — ' ' ITEM it is Ordenyde by my Lorde and his Coun- 
sell to have a MOROWE MASSE-PREIST dailly now in his 
Lordeshipes Hous to say Masse Dailly at vj of the Clok in the 
mornynge thoroweowte the Yere that the Officers of his Lorde- 
shipes Housholde may ryse at a dew Hower and to here Masse 
dailly To th' entent that they may com to recyve their Keys of 
their Offices at the Hower apoynted That they shall not nede to 
come to no Service aferwarde for tendynge of their Offices By 
reason whirof my Lorde nor Straungers shall not be unservyde 
at no howre nor tyme when Ushers shall comaunde. ' ' 3i 

32 Boyal Household Ordinances, 89. 

S3 Ibid., 93. 

34 Northumberland Household Book, 170-171. 



459] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 185 

Henry, Earl of Derby ordered in 1587 — "IMPRIMIS that 
all my Lo. his household Servants gen 'allie doe repaire vnto and 
heare devyne S Vice. " 35 — while Lord Burghley ruled at Theo- 
balds, that were he at home or not, there Were to be two prayer 
services each day, the first at eleven o'clock, a.m., and the other 
at six p.m., before supper. 36 As usual, though, it rests with 
voluble old Brathwait to voice best the contemporary practice in 
this regard. He fashions a somewhat verbose speech, which 
with true Elizabethan obsequious self-abasement, he wishes 
might serve as a pattern address, to be delivered by an earl be- 
fore his newly instituted household. It is quite like a monitory 
sermon, and no small part of it is devoted to the question in 
hand. The approach is made, however, through a description 
of the rather inquisitorial work to be assumed by the chief of- 
ficers which shall enforce a regulation taken for granted. "And, 
forasmuch, as neither private familye, citye, or common wealth 
can be rightly ordered and governed, except in the first place, 
the Lord of Lordes be feared, loved, honoured and served, he 
(i.e. the earl) doth earnestly require and straightly charge his 
cheefe Officers to be vigilant and carefull to marke and see if 
any inferiour Officers, gentlemen pages, yeomen, or groomes be 
carles or slacke in comming to the place appointed for the or- 
dinary Lecture, or to morning and evening prayer; and if any 
fayle to come to examine them and try whether ther were iust 
cause for their absence or not, also they are to learne and search 
out whether any in his house doe not professe God, his true re- 
ligion, or that be Idolaters, blasphemers of his holy name, pro- 
faners of the Sabaoth, not giving reverence to Prince and 
Parente, given unto fighting or quarrelling whereby murder 
may ensew; that be adulterers, fornicators, or haWnters of bad 
houses, using to lye out of his house in the nighte; that he fel- 
lons, or purloyners ; or that be bearers of false witnes, tellers of 
lying tales, breeders of contention ; or that be drunkards, hawnt- 
ers of tavernes or alehouses." Thus with Scriptural exactitude 
he runs through the gamut of human erring, and then continues 
with an interesting account of the machinery used to discipline 
all delinquents — "Theese and such like vices and offences, yow, 

35 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 20. 

36 Peck's Desiderata Curiosa (Burghley's Life), 22-23, et seq. 



186 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [460 

my cheefe officers, shall punish in the manner and forme follow- 
ing: For the first offence (whether it be committed by gentle- 
man, yeoman, or groome), yow shall call the partye offending 
before yow in the cownting house, and ther very sharply ad- 
monish him and threaten him : For the seconde offence, if he be 
a gentleman, yow shall imprison him in the cownting house, 
vnder the custodye of an yeoman vsher: if he be an yeoman or 
groome, then to imprison him in the porters lodge: the partye 
offending to remaine imprisoned so long time as in your discre- 
tions yow thincke the penaltye of the faulte deserveth, except I 
or my wife commande the contrarye : For the third offence, 
(whether it be committed by gentleman, yeoman, or groome) 
the partye offending is to be called before yow into the cownting 
house, the greatest parte of my servants being ther assembled; 
and yow 1 shall openly make recitall of all his offences, and take 
from him his livery, or at the least his badge, and pay him such 
wages as to him is due, dischardging him from comming within 
my house, that he may be an example to others : this shall yow 
doe, except my wife or I command the contrary. Secondly, yee 
my cheefe officers are to be carefull, and as much as lieth in you 
to foresee, that I and my Ladye be orderly and dutifully served 
and reverenced. Thirdly, that my familye may live together in 
love and kindenes. ' ' 37 The officers were assisted in this police 
vigilance by the Chaplain, whose authority, however, was ex- 
tended even over them. He acted rather in the capacity of a re- 
forming advance agent, or spiritual plain-clothes man, and at 
no time could his moral espionage have been a pleasant occupa- 
tion — "If he see any of the householde abuse themselves with 
offences and sinnes towards the Majestie of God, he is privately 
to advise and earnestly to admonish the party so offending to 
reforme himselfe ; but (if he finde the party so admonished to 
persist and continew still in his wickedness,) then he is to make 
it knowne to the cheefe officers, that he may receive correction 
and punishment, according to the orders for the same pre- 
scribed. And if he happen to finde any of the cheefe officers 
slacke or careles in punishing of offenders, or that themselves be 
given to swearing or other vices, after private admonition to 
them given, if they amend not their faultes, he is to make the 

37 Brathwait, op. cit., 4-5. 



461] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 187 

same knowne to the Earle : But he is to have regarde that for 
every light offence he runne not to his Lorde, to fill his eares 
with tales against his servants ; For I have knowne some so busy 
themselves, in every matter, as their lives have bene of many 
disliked, and their doctrine very little regarded. ' ' 38 

Our pious old historian thus naively embellishes and rather 
makes his own, a venerable procedure, time-honoured and sea- 
soned, for drawing negligent members of a great establishment 
back into the straight and narrow way. Over one hundred 
years before him, in 1469, the Duke of Clarence ". . . ap- 
poynted and ordeigned, that the Steward, Thesaurer, and Coun- 
troller, or twoe of them, shalle calle afore them, in the counting- 
house, all the seid Duke's servauntes, commaunding and strayt- 
ly charginge them, in the seid Duke's behalf e, to be of wur- 
shipfull, honeste, and vertuouse conversation, absteyninge them- 
selves from vicious rule and suspected places; and also re- 
strayning them from seditious language, varyaunces, discen- 
tions, debates, and frayes, as well within the seide Duke's courte 
as withoute, wherethorough any disclaundre or misgovernaunce 
might growe; and if any contrary to this commaundemente of- 
fend, that he leese a monethes wages at the fyrst offence ; at the 
second offence to be imprysoned by the space of a moneth; at 
the third offence, that he be pute oute of the seid Duke's 
courte. " 39 It was ancient custom, like so much of household 
management, a very part of the organization, so that when 
Brathwait protests that he had ". . . neither President nor 
Recordes to helpe my memorye, . . . " 40 when he wrote his 
treatise, he doubtless spoke the truth. 

"With so much thought, time and money lavished on the pan- 
oplied side of religion, apart from its practical bent so shrew'dly 
capitalized by these keen old noblemen, in many a household the 
service was truly spiritual, sincerely cherished for its own sake, 
and some of the gentle but hard lessons it expounded, fell on 
heedful ears. Many a costly public charity, founded by noble- 
men like Burghley, 41 proclaimed a proud stinting of self before 

3 8 Brathwait, op. cit., 12-13. 

39 Boyal Household Ordinances, 89. 

40 Brathwait, op. cit., 9. 

41 ' ' He also built an hospital at Stamford, near his house of Burghley, all 
of free-stone, and gave an hundred pounds lands to it, for maintenance of 



188 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [462 

the urgent needs of a less fortunate brother; while, within the 
compass of home life too, kindly practices were often exercised, 
which still sing glees for hearts once attuned to good; amid so 
much that was sordid or cruel, anon there shines a warm hu- 
manity, — whose golden threads gleam in the somber warp. 

"In former times Earles vsed to have their Chaplaine, who 
carried a bagg of small monye to give to the poore, as they 
travelled; but that is now out of use. If any of their servants 
lay forth any, it is to be entered in this title (i.e. "Almes"). 
But I wish both Earle and Lady to have, either of them, a 
privy purse, and themselves to give to the poore, that the right 
hande may not knowe what the left hande giveth. ' ' 42 Thus, 
for once scarcely regretful, Richard Brathwait describes the 
passing of a traditional practice and sternly hopes for the in- 
auguration of that Utopian generosity never yet arrived at its 
hey-day. However all this may have been, the old historian 
here dwells upon that charity, at once the most common and pic- 
turesque in vogue with the whole Tudor nobility — almsgiving. 

By this is meant no church or votive offering, no donations 
towards any large philanthropic purpose, but rather the small 
money response to those pitiful cries for mercy incessantly 
wailed at these great folk by the out-cast and indigent, ever at 
hand. It was scarcely possible for a nobleman or one of his 
servants to leave the gates without being importuned, or of his 
own accord bestowing a pittance upon some hapless wight, 
worthy or unworthy, while a journey for pleasure or a business 
trip, invariably saw the voyageur, lord or servitor, provided 
with change, against the certain plea for help. 

Almsgiving, in fact, was regarded as a regular part of the 
household expenses; and the usual careful provision was made 
for it, a detailed book-keeping always duly recording the sums, 
however small, thus laid out. The Steward of Lord John How- 
ard made a most characteristic entry in his accounts on May 
24th, 1482 — "My Lady paid George Daniel (one of the house- 

thirteen poor men forever, establishing many good ordinances and statutes 
for the government thereof, in hope to continue it to the benefit of the poor. 
He gave also thirty pounds a year forever to S. John 's college in Cambridge, 
where he was a scholar. He gave also some plate to remain to the house. ' ' 
— Life in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 26. 
42 Brathwait, op. cit., 48. 



463] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 189 

hold servants) for al pereels that he leid owte at Harwich, bote 
and al, and for costes to London and hors here and home agen, 
and the men that were with the horsses, and almis and every 
thing, the Summa of xxiij.s:xj.d. " 43 

Indeed, Lord John seems never to have neglected what he 
thought was his duty in this respect; scarce a day passed with- 
out its little benevolence. The amounts were never large, vary- 
ing approximately from j.d. to xij.d., but they were constant, 44 
dispensed while Howard or some servant was travelling, hunting 
parties even, not excepted. 45 

Almsgiving was not necessarily a travelling practice only; 
many a poor suppliant made his plaint right at the castle gates, 
and any response under such circumstances, was usually, along 
with other like duties, in charge of the official Almoner. "Wil- 
liam Cecil, Lord Burghley, believed in this sort of charity and 
was, in fact, generous by comparison with other noblemen, in 
his alms; Mr. Richard Neale his Chaplain at Theobalds giving 
regularly each week xx.s. to the poor. 46 The old statesman's 
hard-headed sense however, likewise approved a more vigorous 
policy, at once thrifty and beneficent; he spent no less than ten 
pounds a week hiring such folk to work in his gardens as weed- 
ers and at other labour. 47 

Before Burghley 's day, George, Duke of Clarence decreed 
that his Treasurer should pay over to the Almoner, at the count- 
ing house xij.d. per diem, the same to be distributed by the lat- 
ter, at his discretion, to the needy, ". . . they to praye for 
the noble estate and prosperitie of the seid Duke. ' ' 48 - This sum 
amounted to only £18 : 5.s. a year, and seems rather a pitiful 
commentary upon the duke's sordidness; such an alms, though, 
was munificent, compared with the £4: 15s : l 1 ^., which was 
doled out during 1561, by the clerks and Steward of Henry, 

4 3 Howard Household Books (Collier), 98. 

"Ibid., 107, 115, 121, 123, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 137, 139, 140, 142, 
149, 151, 156, 157, 159, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168, 171, 172, 174, 178, 188, 191, 
192, 196, 203, 204, 207, 208, 210, 364, 367, 368, 370, 398, 399, 401, 410, 456, 
463, 472, etc., etc. 

45 The Earls of Eutland at Belvoir gave in just this same way. Vide 
MSS. of the Duke of Butland, 4, 382, 390, 449, etc. 

46 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 23. 

47 Ibid., 23. 

48 Royal Household Ordinances, 89. 



190 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [464 

Earl of Derby, a shameful bagatelle set against that year's lav- 
ish outlay for ornaments, apparel and jewels — £1030: 19s: 
lO^d ! 49 Surely with a left hand so well schooled, the member 
on the right could well afford to sit in assured ignorance! Pe- 
nurious as these alms appear, however, some recompense was 
made in other ways, for this was never the only manner in 
which their Graces bethought them of the least of those about 
them. 

All manner of men took these small pecuniary aids from 
noblemen. Between 1560-1562, the Bertie household (later 
Lord Willoughby 's) paid alms to the following unfortunates 
among others: — "a poore mayn which had bene in Bedlam" — 
"a poore man at the gate, which had his howse burnt" — "the 
prisoners at Huntington as herr Grace passed thorowe" — "to 
a poorae woman in the waye " — " the prisoners of Newgate ' ' — 
' ' the poore at Haunces howse " — " Two poore women at black- 
freyers" — and "to the presoners at the marshalsee." 50 Early 
in the 16th century Sir Henry Willoughby 's generosity was ex- 
tended to about the same class — now it was "a pore man that 
was robyd" . . . "a man that lyse bed-ryden as ye goo to 
Westmynster" . . . "to a woman of Lycestershyre that 
whent wyth a testymonyall for burnyng of hyr howse" . . . 
or, more characteristic of his age "to a clarcke goyng for orders 
cauled John Gleyden" . . . hapless "skolers," 51 who again 
and again drew upon the sympathies of the well disposed knight, 
. . . or "ij pore men that com frome Rowme." 52 Lord 
William Howard's Castle, Nawarth, was besought by the 
maimed, blind and leprous, none of whom were sent empty 
away; 53 so the dismal line could be tallied; verily "ye have the 
poor always with you, and whensoever ye will ye can do them 
good"! 

Over and above this continuous small alms giving, many of 
the nobility assumed heavier responsibilities of a charitable na- 

49 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 6-7. 

so Grimsthorpe House Papers (1907), 465, 463-467. 

si MSS. of Lord Middleton, 336, 365, 366, 391, etc. 

52 The Earls of Eutland gave to poor scholars also, and once to a com- 
pany of scholars. MSS. of Duke of Rutland, 4, 304, 384. 

53 Household Books, Lord William Howard, Naworth Castle, 54-55, 87- 
89, e.g. 



465] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 191 

ture. It is told of Lord Burghley, that he used to buy up grain 
in great quantities, in time of plenty, and then, when the price 
was up, to supply the markets of the neighborhood from his 
store at a reasonable figure, thus breaking the high cost for the 
poor. He regularly, each year gave away twenty suits of cloth- 
ing to as many poor men, and in later life, as much as forty or 
fifty pounds a term for the release of prisoners, while in each 
of the last three years of his existence, he expended forty-five 
shillings a week, for poor prisoners and poor parishes, "so as 
his certain almes, beside extraordinaries, was cast up to be five 
hundred pounds yearly, one year with another. ' ' 5i 

The House of Rutland likewise frequently gave freely to sim- 
ilar worthy causes. In January of 1592-1593, the Countess 
Dowager, Elizabeth, paid thirty-six shillings to the town of 
Orston, to be bestowed on the poor there, and "towardes the 
mayntaynynge of the hye wayes" 55 — the latter use, like so 
many mediaeval practices, a semi-religious obligation, apparent- 
ly. The year before she paid for building a hospital at Bottes- 
ford, probably a memorial to her deceased husband. It was not 
a large structure, the entire mason work costing but £28, the 
carpenter work but £9, while ten oaks were felled at Croxton 
park to furnish the necessary wood. 56 By the end of the next 
year, the building was completed, and several women and men, 
dressers of flax, spinners, carders and weavers, were busily en- 
gaged upon making blankets, sheets and coverlets for use there, 
the entire cost being charged to her Grace. 57 In 1604, Earl 
Roger gave a generous alms to the poor of Grantham and Neward 
towns, amounting to no less than £60, from September 28th to 
December 15th, 58 and in 1611, he gave benevolences twice — 20.s. 
and again, £4, to "the poore dystressed people of Leicester, 
. . ," 69 His successor, the Earl Francis, paid, in 1620, a 
like benevolence to the poor of St. Martin's parish, that being 
his year's gift; quite a considerable sum for one annual dole. 60 

54 Peck, op. tit., 22-23, et seq. 

ss MSS. of the Duke of Butland, 4, 406. 

56 Ibid., 405. 

57 Ibid., 406-407. 
ssiMd., 454. 

59 Ibid., 476-477. 
wibid., 523. 



192 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [466 

Somewhat akin to the small alms charities — quite as current, 
and as much a part of the established order of things, was the 
collation of broken victual, mussed remnants from the tables 
and kitchens, daily apportioned to the poor without the gates of 
great households. 

In the Hall or Great Chamber of a nobleman's castle, where 
the food was dispensed, there might have been found, presum- 
ably in an inconspicuous place, some fashion of locked boxes ei 
or caskes known as the "almes tubs." These receptacles were 
under the charge of the Usher and Groom of the Hall, one of 
whose duties was to see to it, that after all in the household had 
dined, the remainder 62 of meat and drink was safely stowed 
therein for distribution among the poor. This was not always 
a simple responsibility, for two sorts of filching rogues lay ever 
in wait to thwart so charitable a purpose — other servants and 
the dogs ! Of the former, those most prone to this knavish 
thieving were yeomen, grooms and gentlemen's men, and, so 
nimble was their base skill, that in some households they were 
under compulsory order to serve without their cloaks, and in 
their livery coats — ' ' for so were they the easier to be seene if 
they carried forth any meate that they ought not to doe. ' ' 63 
The canines were fully as clever, and despite the fact that all 
the breeds, prized by their noble owners — hounds, grey-hounds 
and spaniels, were supposed to be kept in the kennels and other 
out-places suitable for them, and were allowed their just portion 
like all under the roof — in they would sneak to snatch a tempt- 
ing morsel from an uuguarded tub, and annoy the gentlemen 
dining with their fighting. 64 The groom was their arch enemy, 

ei Howard HouseJwld Books (Collier), 228, "Item, for a lok for the 
almes tobbe. " 

62 Boyal Household Ordinances, 89-90. ' ' ITEM, It is appoynted . . . 
that the seid Almonere, at every dynner and souper, wayte uppon the seid 
Duke's table, and there take uppe every dishe when the seid Duke hathe 
sette it from hym, and thereof to make sufficieyently the almes-dishe 
. . . ' ' Into these tubs went also, in the olden day, soaked trencher 
bread ; ' ' The auncient use was not to allow any of the Earles Servants, sit- 
ting at the Officers table, or at other bordes in the Hall, to have any 
trenchers but such as they made for themselves of coarse cheate, which was 
good order in respect of the helpe it was towards the releefe of the poore; 
but now it is not liked of in many houses." Brathwait, pp. 22-23. 

es JZnd., 24. 

'64 Stanley Tapers, Pt. 2, 22. 



467] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 193 

armed with a whip and a bell ' ' to f eare them away withall. ' ' 65 
When a howling diversion of this sort was always on the boards, 
how curious seem the reiterated injunctions in contemporary 
etiquette books, against talk during dinner! 

While the alms-tubs doubtless furnished the greater part of 
the food daily given away to the poor, the supply was augment- 
ed sometimes, from other sources. Thus, in the Derby house- 
hold the bread drippings from the pantries — the fees of ser- 
vitors there, were bought up by the earl for such disposal, and 
the same provision was made regarding the beer fees. 66 

When the time came for distributing this food almes, charge 
of its allotment among the needy was given, perhaps to the 
Almoner or Porter, 67 or to the Grooms of the Hall, with the as- 
sistance of their fellows of the wood-yard, all, under the eye of 
the Usher of the Hall. 68 Nor could these responsible servitors 
themselves always be trusted to resist successfully the petty 
temptations connected with this work, so that in later times the 
Chaplain was bound " . . . often to goe to the gate to see the 
Vsher and groome of the Hall serve the poore, that those which 
be poore in deede may be well served, and idle rogues and light 
huswives from thence be banished. ' ' 69 Indeed, Brathwait would 
even have some of the chief officers in superintendence, declaring 
that such were ". . . not the worst, but rather the best ser- 
vice that he could doe his Lord ; . . . " 70 

This was no overnice foresight. These food doles were gen- 
erous, when so careful a manager as Burghley daily relieved 
from twenty to thirty indigent souls at the gates of Theobalds, 71 
and it was inevitable that so rich a bait should draw ne'er-do- 
well vagabonds into the bread line. In fact, a nobleman's castle, 
because of this and other attractive features, always proved a 
tempting field for the sly operations of idlers and wantons, whose 
restless presence about the neighborhood was a constant source 
of anxiety to the noble owner and his officials alike. Folk con- 
es Brathwait, 25. 
ee Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 21. 

67 Breviate, Archaeologia XIII, 333. Also 'Royal Household Ordinances, 
90. 

68 Brathwait, 24. 
wibid., 13. 
tolbid., 24. 

7i Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 23, et seq. 



194 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDt>R NOBLEMAN [468 

stantly passed in and out of the gates, so that stringent pre- 
cautions had always to be observed for safe-guarding the prem- 
ises against the admittance of such undesirable characters. 

In this connection the porter's office was a post of strategic 
importance. Selected for their height and strength, 72 like po- 
licemen of to-day, the prime function of these men was to 
". . . waite and attend dilygentlye atte the gate; and atte 
the leste one of them to be there, and see tha noe vitaills, silver 
plate, pewter vessells ne none other stuffe of the seide housholde, 
be enbeselled oute ; . . . " 73 they were to allow ' ' . . . no 
rogues and idle queanes to haunte about the gate, ' ' 74 while each 
porter was to "have such Regarde to his Office that he shall not 
suffre anie to come w th in the house but that are and shall be 
allowed for causes necessarie onles they be servyng men or oth- 
ers very substantial! by discrecon. ' ' 75 When country folk 
craved admittance on business with some one in the service, or 
on an errand, the porters held them at the gate, or, if favorably 
impressed by their appearance, let them into the lodge, whilst 
they summoned him with whom the strangers would deal. 76 

"Trusties" of the house, gate "sparring" was their official 
work. In the early day (1489) the Duke of Clarence ordered 
his gates shut in summer, before ten o'clock P.M., and opened at 
five in the morning, " . . . onlesse then they have other com- 
mandement. " 77 Later, it was the custom to lock the gates be- 
fore dinner and supper, and likewise before prayers, to avoid 
noisy interruption and busy-bodies, while they were closed for 
the night "when it groweth darcke." 78 

However carefully these warders were selected, their duties 
were apt to grow at times, a lonesome, tedious service, especially 
at night, and like that bawling rascal at Dunsinane, who ca- 
roused hilariously till the second cock on that memorable night, 
they were prone to mock their charges with their drunken snor- 
ing, at the expense of all safety. It was because of this sottish 

72 Brathwait, 45. ' ' They should be men tall and stronge. ' ' 

73 "Royal Household Ordinances, 92. 

74 Brathwait, 46. 

75 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 9. 

76 Breviate, Archaeologia XIII, 337. 

77 Royal Household Ordinances, 92. 

78 Breviate, Archaeologia XIII, 337. 



469] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 195 

inclination of porters in general, that head officers in a house- 
hold, if they did their full duty, frequently inspected their 
lodges, and were ordered, like those in the household of Henry, 
Earl of Derby, in 1586 to make "a weeklie vewe & take Ord' 
that noe vagrant p'sons or maisterles men be fostered and kept 
aboute the house and that noe household S'vante of anye degree 
bee p'mitted to carie forth of the house or gates any mane' of 
victualls bread or drincke. " 79 

Such were some of the details involved partly in the mainten- 
ance of that curious institution the alms-tub ; at best, one fancies, 
with its nauseating possibilities, but a sorry refection for the 
poor. Nay, but it flourished and lustily. The historian Stow, 
eulogizing the late Edward, Earl of Derby, particularly com- 
mends him for his generous charity ". . . his feeding, espe- 
cially of aged persons, twice a day, sixty and odd; besides all 
comers thrice a week, appointed for his dealing-day es. . ." 80 
and Edward, and the noblemen above mentioned were not unique 
in this charity; after all, your starved beggar little suffers from 
a delicate taste ; he revelled in his reeking paradise, and went 
his hard way less mindful of mis-hap and woe, perhaps, with 
muttered grace for the weal of the rich purveyor of his greasy 
dinner. 

The daily food-alms was a charity relief which the poor and 
unfortunate in the neighborhood of a great castle, could count 
upon receiving regularly. In addition, occasion rendered them 
from time to time, special objects of a lord's bounty. All merry 
festivals saw them remembered, and particularly the joyous 
spirit of Christmas brought them good cheer. For twenty years 
it was Lord Burghley's practice to lay out, at that season, from 
thirty-five to forty pounds annually, in beef, bread and money, 
for the poor of "Westminster, St. Martin's, St. Clement's and 
Theobalds. 81 The observance too, of Passion week rites dic- 
tated customs which threw an odd relief into their eager hands. 
When the 5th Earl of Northumberland kept Maundy Thurs- 
day, he gave to each of as many poor men as he was years old, 
and to one other for the year coming, a wooden platter with a 
cast of bread, an ashen cup with wine, and a leathern purse, 

79 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 22. 

so Stow's Chronicle, Fol. Ed., 672. 

si Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 22, et seq. 



196 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [470 

with a penny for each year of his age, and an extra one again, 
for the coming year — a fearful, half-superstitious grasping of 
old Time by the fore-lock ! In the same proportion, grotes, half- 
penny pieces and pennies were counted out by one of the house- 
hold chaplains on behalf of her ladyship, the heir of the house, 
and the younger children, respectively. His lordship's meas- 
ured charity further included clothing — to each of the lucky 
poor men, a linen shirt, containing two and one-half yards of 
cloth, and a hooded gown of russet, made out of three and one- 
half yards of goods, at xij.d. the yard. 

Earl Percy conducted his part of this ceremonial, as well as 
the other services of the day, arrayed in a sumptuous gown of 
violet broad cloth handsomely furred with seventy-five black 
lamb skins, ". . . And after his Lordship hath don his ser- 
vice at this said Maundy doith gyf to the pourest man that he 
fyndyth as he thynkyth emongs them all the said Gowne." 82 
What a pathetic triumph — like a mockery, to be thus heralded 
the completest pauper, in an extravagant piece of useless finery 
— yet, what fitter service for the ill-starred purple of the Prae- 
torium ! 

On Good Friday, further, it was customary to give bread 
doles to the poor, — thus, in April, 1522, Sir Henry "Willough- 
by's baker was paid v.s., the cost of some bread so used, 83 while 

82 Northumberland Household Boole, 354-356. The following is from the 
Gentleman's Magazine for April, 1731, vol. 1, 171. (Quoted in vol. 1, 
Brand 's Popular Antiquities) : ' ' Thursday, April fifteenth, being Maundy 
Thursday, there was distributid at the Banquetting House, Whitehall, to 
forty eight poor men, and forty eight poor women (the King's age forty 
eight) boiled beef, and shoulders of mutton, and small bowles of ale, which 
is called dinner; after that, large wooden platters of fish and loaves, viz. 
undressed, one large old ling, and one large dried cod; twelve red herrings, 
and four quarter loaves. Each pesron had one platter of this provision; 
after which was distributed to them shoes, stockings, linen and woolen cloth, 
and leathern bags, with one penny, two penny, three penny and four penny 
pieces of silver; and shillings; to each, about four pounds in value. His 
Grace, the Lord Arch-Bishop of York, Lord High Almoner, performed the 
annual ceremony of washing the feet of certain number of the poor, in the 
Royal Chapel, Whitehall, which was formerly done by the Kings themselves, 
in imitation of our Saviour's pattern of humility, etc. James the Second 
was the last King who performed this in person." The King's Almoner 
still distributes Maundy-money on this day. — Encyclop. Diet., Art. 
' ' Maundy. ' ' 

ss MS8. of Lord Middleton, 341. 



471] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 197 

Stow chronicles, to the everlasting 1 honour of Edward, Earl of 
Derby the ample provision made by that nobleman "everie 
Goode Fridaie these thirty-five years (for) one with another, 
2700, with meat, drink, money, and money worth. ' ' 8 * Perhaps, 
finally, it was mighty old Death himself, who wrought a chance 
good turn for these famished waifs of misfortune and failure; 
anguished hearts sought solace in kindly acts, and if it were 
but to provide a solemn feast, thereto, in haughty contrition, 
inviting these luckless dwellers of the hedges — such, for them, 
were a rare, but at least a full repast ! 

On October 29th, 1560, the "poor," in gowns, marched two 
and two, in the great funeral procession of Francis Talbot, Earl 
of Shrewsbury, and after the burial they shared too in the sad 
but abundant funeral baked meats: "At the castle was pre- 
pared a great dinner, that is to say, there was served from the 
dressers (besides my Lord's service for his own board, which 
were three messes of meat) cccxxx mess, to all manner of people, 
who seemed honest; having, to every mess, eight dishes; that is 
to say, two boyled mess, four roast, and two baked meats : where- 
of one was venison, for there was killed for the same feast, fifty 
does and twenty nine red deere. And after dinner, the rever- 
sion of all the said meate was given to the poo re, with dole of 
two pence a piece; with bread and drink great plenty. And af- 
ter the same dinner every man was honourably contented for his 
pains." 85 In 1543, at the funeral of Thomas, Earl of Rutland, 
x.s.x.d., was distributed as a special alms to poor people, while 
one Thomas Tanfyld was paid v.s. for "rydyng abrood to dyvers 
townes to make billes of poor menes names to take almes and 
helpyng to distribute the same. ' ' 86 

Yet more munificent was the poor relief given by this same 
household in 1612, in pious memory of the late Earl, Roger, 
who died, July 22nd, of that year. On the day of the funeral, 
two beeves, boiled in the brew house, twenty-two hogsheads of 
beer, ten quarters and two strike (88 bushels) of wheat, and £30 
in money were distributed by two clergymen with assistants, 
while on the following Sunday, bread was carried to such ' ' poore 
people as through age or other infirmitie could not come for re- 

s* Stow, Chronicle, Fol. Ed., 672. 

ss Peek, Desiderata Curiosa, 255 et seq. 

sgMSS. of the DuTce of Eutland, 4, 342-343. 



198 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOE NOBLEMAN [472 

leif e. . . " 87 In such manner, alike the regular and fitful 
charity of the nobility afforded an uncertain existence to these 
wan phantoms, who, true children of fortune, like the fowls of 
the air, gleaned a hazardous maintenance where chance best 
afforded. 

Lastly, nobles under the old Church, and to some extent, after 
the Eeformation, responded many times in the course of a year 
to a remarkable number of petty demands upon their purses, all, 
more or less of a religious nature. 

Every special festival observed meant a contribution. The 
5th Earl of Northumberland customarily gave on such oc- 
casions xij.d. himself, allowing his wife her proportional viij.d., 
while his heir and the younger children were supplied with cor- 
respondingly reduced sums. For one feast, that of Easter eve, 
ij.s. was also given to each ward and young gentleman at his 
Grace's "finding," for his offering. 88 Frequently these small 
contributions were a part of ceremonies picturesque and curi- 
ously symbolical : — " ITEM My Lordis Offerynge accustomede 
upon Candilmas-Day Yerely To be sett in his Lordschippis Can- 
dill to offer at the High Mas when his Lordschipp is at home V 
Groits for the V Joyes of Our Lady — xxd. " The offerings of 
the rest of the family both on this feast and on that of St. 
Blaise's day were also "set" in their candles. On Good Friday 
and also on Easter day, "after the resurrection," it was given 
when the "cross was crept." 89 "While the occasions for special 

87 Mss. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 487. This was a universal custom; 
see ibid., 342, and Mss. of Lord Middleton, 473. 

ss Northumberland Household Boole, 335. 

89 The following is a description of the manner in which the King was 
accustomed to observe this ancient ceremony, — ' ' Firste, the Kinge to come 
to the Chappell or Closset, withe the Lords, and Noblemen, waytinge upon 
him, without any Sword borne before hime as that day: And ther to 
tarrie in his Travers (i.e. closet) until the Byshope and the Deane have 
brought in the Crucifixe out of the Vestrie, and layd it upon the Cushion 
before the highe Alter. And then the Usher to lay a Carpett for the 
Kinge to Creepe To the Crosse upon." Bishop Percy's note in the North- 
umberland Household Booh, pp. 436-437. It is quoted from "an ancient 
Book of the Ceremonial of the Kings of England," and the Bishop goes on 
to say ". . . in 1536, when the Convocation under Hen. VIII. abolished 
some of the old superstitious practices, this of Creeping to the Cross on 
Good-Friday, &c. was ordered to be retained as a laudable and edifying 
custom. ' ' 



473] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 199 

offerings were frequent, the sums thus given in this household 
were invariably small, amounting in the course of an entire 
twelve-month to little more than £1 for the whole family. 90 The 
earl further laid out other pittances yearly, each recorded in de- 
tail with his usual painstaking accuracy — all told, a matter of 
some forty shillings. Such included Shrine gifts : — " ITEM, 
My Lorde usith yerely to sende afor Mychealmas for his Lords- 
chipe Offeringe to the Holy Blode of Haillis — iiij.d." 91 Equal 
sums were sent to Our Lady of Walsingham 92 and St. Mar- 
garet 's in Lincolnshire. 93 

Also a part of this same were the costs of lights, maintained by 
the year at each of the above Shrines and one " . . . to birne 
befor our Lady in the "Whit-Frers of Doncaster of my Lordis 
foundacion at every Mas-tyme daily thorowout the Yere. . . " 94 
There was no emotional romance or dazed piety about any of 
this procedure; whatever the lights stood for spiritually, after 
all, wax was wax, and his lordship paid his bounden way to 
righteousness as circumspectly as he laid in his food supplies : — 
"ITEM My Lord usith and accustomyth to sende yerely for the 
Upholdynge of the Light of "Waxe which his Lordschip fyndis 
byrnynge yerely befor the Holy Bloude of Haillis Containing 
xvj lb. Wax in it aftir vij d. ob. for the fyndynge of every lb. 
if redy wrought By a Covenaunt maide by gret (i.e. gross, or in 
bulk. ) with the Mounk for the hole Yere for fynding of the said 

so Northumberland Household Boole, 332-338. 

si Ibid., 337, Bishop Percy notes with evident satisfaction "This was a 
pretended Eelique of the Blood of our Saviour, which was brought from the 
Holy Land, and deposited in the Monastery of Hales in Gloucestershire by 
Edmund Earl of Cornwall, (son of Eichard King of the Romans, brother of 
King Henry III.) It has been commonly said to have been the blood of a 
Duck changed every week, . . . But Hearne has printed the Report of 
the Commissioners, who were sent purposely to examine it, at the Dissolu- 
tion of the Monasteries; and it plainly appears to have been neither more 
nor less than CLARIFIED HONEY, 'which being in a glasse, appeared to 
be of a glisterynge Redd resemblynge partly the color of Blod. ' ' ' 

92 t ( rp^g f am ous Image of the Virgin Mary, preserved in the Priory of 
Black Canons at Walsingham in Norfolk, was celebrated all over Europe 
for the Great Resort of Pilgrims and the rich offerings made to it. ' ' Ibid., 
338. 

93 Northumberland Household Boole, 332-338. 

94 Northumberland Household Boole, 338. 



200 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [474 

Light byrnynge — x..s. " 95 Alas! crisp business even here, a 
once spontaneous and beautiful oblation gone into a sort of 
prayer- wheel jig, estimated by rote and bought at a bargain ! 
His Grace, be it said to his credit, ''rewarded" the monk, canon 
and priest who attended to his candles at these honoured Shrines, 
with iij.s:xij.d., and iij.s diij.d. respectively, per annum. 90 He 
also opened his heart once a year to the Prior of the White 
Friars of Doncaster, presenting him regularly with xx.s. 
". . . toward the byeynge of ther Store agaynst the Advent 
befor Christynmas. ' ' 97 

The earl might be liable too for a yearly assessment of about 
26s :8d. contingent upon his membership and that of his lady 
and his heir in St. Christopher's Guild, of York, for their 
brother- and sisterhood; and for a like relationship for himself 
and his wife in the religious House of ' ' Saynt Roberts of Knas- 
brughe. " This membership fee was given to the first organiza- 
tion ". . . At such tyme as the Masters of the said Saynt 
Cristofer Gild of York bringis my Lord and my Lady for their 
Lyverays a Yarde of Narrow Violette Cloth and a Yerde of 
Narow Rayd Cloth. ' ' 98 

Offerings and gifts similar to these and very many others were 
made by all of the Tudor Nobles. Lord John Howard, 1st 
Duke of Norfolk, was very precise with his contributions at 
Church, whether he were home, at Stoke, 99 or elsewhere — Lon- 
don, Westminster, Colchester, Durham, Norwich — whither so- 
ever business or pleasure carried him. 100 He visited at different 
times the famous Shrines of his day, like Walsingham, 101 or St. 
Edmund's Bury, 102 at which latter place an additional 8.d. was 
once paid "for to make a tabyr befor Seynt Edmond." Lady 
Howard likewise offered to Our Lady of Walsingham, giving 
once also, 6.d. "for a potel of oyle to the lampe" and 6.d. more 
for a pound of wax. 103 His lordship maintained his lamp in 
the Church of St. Nicholas at Colchester and had his involved 

^5 Ibid., 338. 
^Ibid., 341-342. 

97 Ibid., 339. 

98 Northumberland Household Boole, 347-348. 

99 Howard Household Books (Collier), 106, 117, 140, 144, 153, etc. 
ioo Ibid., 132, 180, 181, 223, 341, 342, 448, etc. 

W Ibid, (in order to No. 109), 448, 339, 449, 49, 149-150, 359, 360, 447, 
etc., 163, 169, 176, 199, 222, 432 and 160. 



475] WORSHIP AND CHARITY IN THE HOUSEHOLD 201 

"reckonings" with "William Mann, sexton, over the oil and wax 
bills. 104 He made payments to friars, 105 donated to poor pris- 
oners in the Castle at Colchester, 106 paid for special masses and 
shrivings, 107 contributed to lazars, and regularly, to the pious 
support of one Harry Elyse, a "gentleman Hermit," 10S and he 
once laid out the rather handsome sum of 21s. "for dressing of 
the roode at Dover courte with XXX sterys of gold, prise viij.d. 
a piece." 109 

The Earls of Rutland, in the earlier day paid "rewards" to 
St. Ann's Guild at Warden Abbey, 110 to the aldermen of the 
Guild of Our Lady at Boston, 111 purchased anniversary masses 
from the Prior and Convent of Holywell/ 12 paid for lamp main- 
tenance, 113 and the usual Shrine and Rood offerings. 114 

Money was similarly expended by the Willoughbys at Walla- 
ton, while, in addition, small sums were given from time to time 
to pardoners, 115 friars and others, on pilgrimages to St. Michael's 
Mount, or other like venerated shrines, 116 to a "female anchor- 
ite, ' ' 11T to women collecting for a votive lamp maintenance, 118 
to "gatherers" for bridge repair, one such structure being Our 
Lady Bridge at Tomworth, 119 which name suggests that its up- 
keep was a pious duty, — in fact to scores and scores of such 
"good works," small aids were continually given. 

In conclusion, there is much to be said on behalf of the re- 
ligious life fostered by these old Tudor Nobles. It is no niggard 
truth that such a life did prosper in every household, under an 
ample, if at times, a compulsory patronage. Often cherished 
and sustained, primarily, perhaps, for a utilitarian purpose, it 
grew, a well nurtured plant, to frequent flower in kindly charity 
and sympathetic feeling for God's little ones. Small considera- 
tion has been paid here to the more pretentious foundations 
which noblemen often supported, but in so hasty a survey of 
their humbler good works even, the spirit prompting to such 
very constant responsiveness is impressive. Their gifts were 
frequently petty, nay, pitifully ungenerous and mechanical, but 
often, on the other hand, they evidence a spontaneous heartiness, 
which warms one to this very day. The point again is, that they 
did give! 

no Mss. of Duke of Butland, 4 (in order to 114), 272, 275, 282. 
ii5 Mss. of Lord Middleton (in order to 119), 342, 348, 354, 335, 351, 
384, 349, 384, 335, 376, 386, etc. 



CHAPTER IX 

MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 

Bassiolo. Stand by there, make place. 
Lasso. Saie now, Bassiolo, you on whom relies 

The generall disposition of my house 

In this our general preparation for the Duke, 

Are all our officers at large instructed 

For fit discharge of their peculiar places? 
Bas. At large, my lord, instructed. 
Las. Are all our chambers hung? Thinke yow our house 

Amplie capacious to lodge all the traine? 
Bas. Amply capacious, I am passing glad. 

— Chapman — ' ' The Gentleman Usher. ' ' Act. 1, Sc. 2. 

In addition to the branches of household service described 
thus far there were other departments in every great establish- 
ment, whose proper operation was relatively as important as was 
that of any already considered. To begin with, the bed-chamber 
service. Most of the members of a household, of course and com- 
monly, many guests as well, had to be accommodated at night 
with properly equipped sleeping quarters. This urgent need 
for plenty of lodging room, accounts for the numerous chambers 
in the castles of noblemen, by far the greater number of their 
apartments being lodgings. Leckinfield, for example — one of 
the castles of the 5th Earl of Northumberland — certainly no 
extraordinary dwelling, had more than forty chambers or bed- 
rooms ; x and Sir John Fastolf 's Castle at Caister had at least 
twenty-eight sleeping apartments. 2 Now the care of the bed- 
rooms, with the custody of the necessary bedding and linens, to- 
gether commonly, with all the arras and tapestry in an estab- 
lishment, was entrusted to the Yeomen and Grooms of the Ward- 
robe of Beds, as the office was called. Under the general direc- 
tion of the Gentlemen Ushers, they attended to the mending and 

i Northumberland Household Boole, 463-464. 

2 Inventory of the effects, etc., Archaeologla, XXI, 261 et seq. 

202 



477] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 203 

repairing of any of their stuff when it was necessary, for which 
purpose the Yeomen, or one of them, had often to ". . . goe 
through the chambers both of gentelmen, yeomen, and groomes, 
and if he finde either wrentes or holes in their beddings or furni- 
ture, that the same may be amended ; for a littell labour done in 
due time will save from much losse, which want of looking to 
will cause to happen. . . " 3 They also issued out bedding as 
needed, and of course, looked after all stuffs., linens and other, 
not in use. Their supplies were kept in neatly equipped ward 
rooms, fitted out with the necessary drawers, shelves and presses, 
and with ". . . chimney therein, that such household furni- 
ture as is not often used may therat be well aired. ' ' 4 Every 
Yeoman was enjoined to see ". . . as occasion serveth, that 
all his beddes, bolesters, and pillowes, with all the rest of the 
furniture for beddinge, be airede, and beaten, and that there 
bee noe duste in them, nether any mothes bredde, which both is 
a greate spoile to stuffe, but in that case dried wormewode is 
very good, and of te turninge and airinge as abovesaide. ' ' 5 

Akin in occupation to these servitors were their fellows of the 
bed-chambers, whose labour was probably more skilled, however, 
because they were entrusted with the care of the clothing of the 
lord, and that of his family, much of which was exceedingly rich 
and very costly. Eichard Brathwait well describes them and 
their functions in this wise : ' ' They should be men brought up 
at Tailors occupation, that if ther be any thing amisse in the 
Earle or Ladies garments, they may be able to mend the same ; 
skillful to brushe and rubb over, not onely garments of cloth, 
velvet, and silkes, but also cloth of gold and silver, and also in 
what sorte to foulde and lay up the same: they are to have a 
chimney in their Warderobe for ayringe of apparell. Their 
warderobe must be furnished with standerts, Tronkes, Presses, 
brushing-tables, linnen cloathes, Buckerams, and peeces of Sar- 
cenet, to cover and carry garments in; which warderobe they 
must be passing carefull to keepe very cleane, and to see that all 
things therin be placed in decent order. ' ' 6 

In the household of the 5th Earl of Northumberland, the Yeo- 

3 Brathwait, 27. 
*Tbid., 27. 
sBreviate, 334-335. 
6 Brathwait, 27. 



204 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [478 

man entrusted with the care of his Grace's clothing probably 
made up materials also. He was paid 13s.4d., by the year, 
". . . for fyndynge of all maner of Threde belongynge 
the Sewyng of all manor of Stuf which is shapen and cutt in 
my Lordis Wardrob as well concernynge my Lorde my Lady 
my Lordis Children As thos which ar at my Lords fynd- 
ynge. . ," 7 

Both sets of servants had to keep their inventories of stuff, 
noting down carefully, everything which was at hand and its 
condition ; what was actually worn out, and all the new materials 
coming in; furthermore, each year, when accounts were taken, 
which process, as noted already, included a general invoicing of 
all stock in hand, these servants of the ward-robe of beds, and 
of the bed-rooms, had likewise to fetch out all their goods, have 
them accounted, and then return them to their p races. 8 

In addition to these duties, the ward-robe men cleaned their 
ward-robes, the bed-chambers and the galleries. How exacting 
and troublesome much of the work of both these sets of servants 
was, appears upon a consideration of the quality and amount of 
materials in their respective ward-robes, and the manner in 
which the chambers, and especially the beds, were fitted out for 
use. 

In Sir John Fastolfe's mansion at Caister, all of the sleeping 
rooms but four, had their feather beds, bolsters, blankets and 
sheets, and even the four rooms not quite so completely equipped, 
two of which chambers were in the stables, had their mattresses, 
sheets and coverlets, of "blewe and rede." A complete picture 
of "My Maister is Chamber" is called up by the following list 
of its one time contents : 

"In primis, j Fedderbedde. — Item j Donge (i.e. mattress) of 
fyne blewe. 

' ' Item, j Bolster. — Item ij Blankettys of fustians. 

' ' Item, j payre of Shetis. — Item j Purpeynt. 

"Item, j hangyd Bedde of arras. — Item j Testour. — Item, j 
Selour (a covering for a seat or stool). 

"Item, j Coveryng. 

' ' Item, ii j Curtaynes of grene worsted. 

"Item, j Bankeur of tapestre warke. 

7 Northumberland Household Booh, 349. 
slbid., 365. 



479] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 205 

' ' Item, iiij peces of Hangyng of grene worsted. 

' ' Item, j Banker hangyng tapestry worke. — Item, j Cobbord 
Clothe. 

"Item, ij staundyng Aundyris. — Item, j Fedderfiok (i.e. 
Feather-bed). 

"Item, j Chafern of laten. — Item, j payre of Tongys. 

' ' Item, j payre of Bellewes. — Item, j litell Paylet. — Item ij 
Blankettys. 

' ' Item, j payre of Sehetys. — Item, j Coverlet. 

"Item, vi White Cosschynes. — Item, ij Lytell Bellys, 

' ' Item, j f oldyng Table. — Item, j longe Chayre. — Item, j 
grene Chayre. 

"Item, j hangyng Candylstyk of baton." 

Interesting enough also, is the enumeration of the articles once 
in the chamber of Milicent Fastolf e, Sir John 's wife : — 

"In primis, j Fedder Bedde. — Item, j Bolster. — Item, j 
Mat eras. 

' ' Item, j Quelte. — Item, smale Pyllowes of downe. 

' ' Item, j honged Bedde of fyne whyte. — Item, ij smale Pay- 
letts. 

' ' Item, j rede Coverlet. — Item, j leddre Pyllewe. — Item, j 
Basyn. 

' ' Item, j Ewer. — Item, ij Pottys. 

' ' Item, ij lyttyll Ewers of blew glasses powdered withe golde. ' ' 

Several of the chambers were more elaborately equipped than 
either of the above — that of Sir Robert Inglose, for example, 
with its pillows of down and lavender, cushions of red silk and 
red saye, fine arras cloth, furred counterpayne, tester, and green 
carpet. Even the cook, in that remarkable old house was al- 
lowed his feather-bed, two sheets, and a red coverlet of roses and 
blood-hounds ' heads ! 

Besides all this stuff regularly iri use, Sir John's ward-robes 
were richly stored with quantities of fine goods — all manner of 
bedding, arras and tapestries. Among the items set down in the 
careful inventory are no less than thirty-three pillows of many 
sizes and materials — five of green silk, two of red velvet beaten 
upon satin, one of purple silk and gold, and several both of 
fustian and linen. Other sorts of bedding matched the pillows 
in elegance: — "J Cover of grene silke to a bedde, lyned with 
blewe silke. — Item, j close Bedde of palle grene and whyte, 



206 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [480 

with levys of golde. Item, j Donge (i.e. feather-bed) of purle 
sylke," etc., all of which must have been very splendid. 

The supplies of arras cloth for hangings, bed dressing, testers, 
covers, selers (furnishings, probably for bed-heads) dais and 
benches, contained many elaborate and interesting pieces, espe- 
cially the following, among them — One cloth of arras, called the 
' ' Shepherds Cloth, ' ' one, of the Assumption of Our Lady, one, 
"for the nether hall" ". . . with a geyaunt (giant) in the 
myddell beryng a legge of a bere in his honde." and one, for 
the west side of the Hall, of the Siege of Falaise. The dais in 
the same Hall had its cloth with ". . . j wodewose (wild- 
man) and j chylde in his armys." One cloth of arras .showed 
"• . . iij archowrys on scheting a doke in the water withe a 
crosse bowe," while anothed displayed ". . . a gentlewoman 
harpyng by j castell in myddys of the clothe." A bed cov- 
ering pictured ". . . hontyng of the bore, a man in blewe 
with a jagged hoode white and rede," etc. 

Completing the long list of materials on hand, ' ' Canvas in the 
Warderop and f yne Lynen Clothe of dy vers sortes ' ' captions an 
enumeration of some forty odd pieces, several of which were 
very long, one alone being sixty yards in length, and not one of 
them under eight yards; the entire lot, not including several 
pieces the measurements of which were not recorded, totalled 
well over one thousand yards of material. 9 

Making up the beds, and particularly that of the master of the 
household, was by no means the least of the work of the Yeoman 
and Groom of the ward-robe of beds. Contemporary direction 
about so important a matter, set down for certain of the ser- 
vants of King Henry the 8th, describes an intricate and an 
exacting process charged with ceremony and elaborate detail, to 
vex any but those born to the cloth, — 

"Furste a groome or a page to take a torche & to goo to the 
warderobe of the kynges bedd, & bryng theym of the warderobe 
with the kynges stuff unto the chambr for makyng of the same 
bedde. — Where as ought to be a gentylman-usher, iiij yeomen 
of the chambr for to make the same bedde. The groome to 
stande at the bedds feete with his torche. — They of the warde- 
robe opennyng the kinges stuff of hys bedde upon a fayre sheete 

9 Inventory of effects, etc., Archaeologia XXI, 232 et seq. 



481] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 207 

bytwen the stayde groome & the bedds fote, iij yeomen or two at 
the leste in every syde of the bedde. The gentylman usher and 
parte conimaundyng theym what they shall doo. — A yoman 
with a dagger to searche the straw e of the kynges bedde that 
there be none untreuth therin. — And this yeoman to caste up 
the bedde of downe upon that, & oon of theym to tomble over yt 
for the serche thereof. Then they to bete and tufte the sayde 
bedde, & to laye oon then the bolster without touchyng of the 
bedd, where as it aught to lye. Then they are warderobe to de- 
lyver theym a fustyan takyng the saye therof. All theys yomen 
to laye theyr hands theron at oones, that they touch not the 
bedd, tyll yt be layed as it sholde be by the comaundement of 
the ussher. — And so the furste sheet in lyke wyse, and then to 
trusse in both sheete & fustyan rownde about the bedd of downe. 
The warderoper to delyver the second sheete unto two yeomen, 
they to crosse it over theyr arme, and to stryke (stroke) the 
bedde as the ussher shall more playnly shewe un to theym. Then 
every yoman layeing hande upon the sheete to laye the same 
sheete upon the bedde. And so the other fustyan upon or ij 
with suche coverynge as shall content the kynge. Thus doon 
the ij yoman next to the bedde to laye down agene the overmore 
fustyan, the yomen of the warderobe delyverynge theyme a pane 
sheete, the sayde yoman therewytha.il to cover the sayde bedde: 
And so then to laye down the overmost sheete from the beddes 
heed. And then the sayd ij yomen to laye all the overmost 
clothes of a quarter of the bedde. Then the warderoper to de- 
lyver unto theym such pyllowes as shall please the kynge. The 
sayd yoman to laye theym upon the bolster and the heed sheet 
with wmych the sayde yoman shall cover the sayd pyllowes. And 
so to trusse the endes of the saide sheete under every end of the 
bolster. And then the sayd warderoper to delyver unto them 
ij lytle small pyllowes wherwythall the squyres fo rthe bodye or 
gentylman ussher shall give the saye to the warderoper, and to 
the yoman wyche have layde on hande upon the sayd bedde. 
And then the sayd ij yomen to laye upon the sayde bedde to- 
ward the bolster as yt was bifore. They makyng a crosse and 
kissynge yt where there handes were. Then ij yomen next to 
the sheete* to make the feers, as the ussher shall teche theym. 
And so then every of them sticke up the aungell about the bedde, 
and to lette downe the corteyns of the sayd bedde or sparver. 



208 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [482 

Item, a squyer for the bodye or gentylman-ussher aught to sett 
the kynges sword at hys beddes heede. 

Item, a squyer for the bodye aught to charge a secret groome 
or page to have the kepynge of the sayde bedde with a lyght 
unto the tyme the kynge, be disposed to goo to yt. 

Item, a groome or a page aught to take a torche whyle the 
bedde ys yn makyng to fetche a loofe of brede, a pot with ale, a 
pott wyth wine for theym that maketh the bedde, and every man. 

Item, the gentylman-ussher aught to forbede that no manner 
of man do sett eny dysshe uppon the kynge 's bedde for fere of 
hurtyng of the kynge 's ryche counterpoynt that lyeth therupon. 
And that the sayd ussher take goode heede, that noo man wipe 
or rubbe their handes uppon none arras of the kynges, wherby 
they myght bee hurted, in the chambr where the kynge ys spec- 
ially, and in all other. ' ' 10 

It is very probable, from the great similarity between the 
royal household and the establishments of the nobility, that some 
such elaborate ceremony as this for making the king's bed, was 
in vogue in their households, especially on state occasions. Even 
the gentry in the England of the Tudors, owned nicely equipped 
beds. Thus, one John Amet the elder, cutler and citizen of 
London, through his will, dated 1473, "bequeathes to his sister 
Margaret the bed in his chamber, 'hoole as it is, that is to saye, 
feder bedde, matras, bolster, pyllowes, blankettis, sheteis, cover- 
let, quylte, tester, and three curtyns, iij payer of my beste sheteis 
and i j coverlettis, besyde that that lyeth on my bedde '. " " 

Finally, the polite lodging of guests, as set forth in another 
contemporary already quoted illustrates still another function 
of these ward-robe servitors. After describing the details of the 
dinner service, the account goes on: "Thenne it moste be sene 
yf strangers shalbe brought to chamber, and that the chamber 
be clenly appareld and dressed according to the tyme of the 
yere, as in wynter-tyme, fyre, in somur tyme the bedd couerd 
with pylawes and hedde-shetys in case they wolle rest, and after 
this done, they moste have chere of neweltees in the chamber, as 

10 The ceremonial of making the King's bed. Arcliaeologia TV, 311 
et seq. 

ii Italian Relation of England, Camden Society ; contains a description 
of the ceremonial for making the King's bed, as drawn up in the reign of 
Henry 7th. 



483] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 209 

Iuncate, cheryes, pepyns, and such neweltees as the tyine of yere 
requereth ; or ellis grene ginger comfetts, with such thynge as 
wynter requereth ; and swete wynes, as ypocrasse, Tyre, musca- 
dell, bastard vernage, of the beste that may be had, to the honour 
and lawde of the principall of the house/' 12 

These duties also, were carried out under the eyes of those 
dexterous servants, many of whose functions have already been 
considered — the Gentlemen Ushers ; in the words of Brath- 
wait ". . . They are often to goe into the warderobe of 
beddes, to see that all household furniture be safe and orderly 
kept; likewise into the Lodgings appointed for strangers, that 
they be deanery and sweete kept, and all thinges in them neees- 
sarie and convenient. . . If Earles or great Lordes come to 
lodge ther, one of the gentleman Vshers is to attend them to their 
chambers, and during their aboade to see their Liveries and 
breakef astes orderly served : ... If ther be Knightes or 
gentlemen of like quality e, they must appointe some yeomen 
waiters of good experience, in like sorte to attend upon them." 13 

The inventories of the ward-robe stuff of a Tudor nobleman 
will likewise suffice to convince any patient reader of to-day, 
that the office of the ward-robe, like that of the ward-robe of 
beds, was no sinecure. Fancy the work involved in properly 
caring for the following rich clothing and harness formerly be- 
longing to his Grace, Henry, Earl of Stafford — 

"A gowne of clothe of tyssue, lyned with crymsyn satyn. 

A gowne of russet tynsell, furred with black buggy. 

A gowne of whyte damaske clothe of gold, lyned with crynsyn 
velvet. 

A gowne of crynsyn velvet, lyned with damaske cloth of gold. 

A gowne of whyte sylver, lyned with crynsyn velvet. 

12 Manners and Meals in Olden Time, Early Eng. Text Soc, ed. Furni- 
vall, Part 3, 373. Furnivall says in a note to this part of the piece — "I 
do not suppose that each guest retired to his dwn bed-room, but to the gen- 
eral with-drawing room, — possibly used as a general bed-room also, when 
the Hall had ceased to be it. 'The Camera usually contained a bed, and 
the ordinary furniture of a bed-chamber ; but it must be remembered that it 
still answered the purpose of a parlour or sitting-room, the bed being cov- 
ered over during the daytime with a handsome coverlid, as is still the cus- 
tom in France and other foreign countries to this day. ' — Domestic Archi- 
tecture, iii, 94-5." 

is Brathwait, 11. 



210 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [484 

A gowne of greene velvet, lyned with grene satyn all through. 

A gowne of taffita velvet, lyned with wright black satyn ; the 
forent, the cap, and the hynder parte, with black sarcenet. 

A gowne of black velvet, olde, lyned with tawny satyn through, 
and garded about with a broad yarde of velvet. 

A gowne of black velvet, furred with fyne black buggie; the 
cap, the forfront, and the resydue with black lambe. 

A gowne of russet velvett, velvet upon velvet, furred with 
black buggy all through. 

A gowne of tawny velvet, furred with ribands all through. 

A gowne of cloth of russett satyn, complete unmade. 

A gowne of cloth of black satyn, complete unmade, with a 
cape to the same. 

A lyninge of black sarcynet, with ij. pieces to the same. 

A hole lyninge, for a gowne of whyte satyn. 

A cote of cloth of tyssue, with di. sleeves, and a placard to the 
same. 

A cote of damaske cloth of gold, with sleeves and placard 
therto. 

A cote of purple velvet, embroidered with damask cloth of 
gold. 

A cote of greene satyn, quylted and lettred with embroidered 
worke, placard and sleeves to the same, lackinge a faire boddy. 

A cote of greene velvet, with ij. . . sleeves, and placard 
therto. 

A jacket, satin, cloked with damaske cloth of gold, with half 
placard to the same. 

A f rocked jacket of crymsyn satyn and cloth of sylver, and 
underlayd with cloth of tyssue and crymsyn satyn. 

A jackett of greene tynsell, lyned all through with greene sar- 
cenet, and placard. 

A frocke of crymsyn, welted with cloth of gold. 

A frocke of black velvet, with ij welts of clothe of gold. 

A dublet of cloth of tyssue, lyned through with blacke sarcenet, 
with a placard to the same. 

A dublet of cloth of sylver, lyned through and underlayd with 
damaske cloth of gold, and lyned with whyte sarcenet through, 
with a placard. 

A dublet of greene damaske clothe of golde, lyned with greene 
sarcenet through, and a placarde to the same. 



485] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 211 

A dublet of blewe tynsell, with a placard to the same. 

A dublet of blacke satyn, with a placard and foresleeves of 
damask cloth of gold. 

A dublet of cloth of sylver, with a placard to the same. 

A dublet of crymsyn saten, with a placard to the same. 

A dublet of crymsyn satyn, cut and underlayd with cloth of 
gold of damaske, lyned through with black sarcenet, and a pla- 
card to the same. 

A dublet of crymsyn tynsell. 

A payre of hosyn of skarlet, the brech of sylver, and under- 
layd with damaske cloth of gold, and two claspes, and two oies 
of sylver and gylt to the same. 

Two payre of hosyn, skarlet, garded with crymsyn velvet. 

A payre of hosyn of skarlet, garded with the same. 

A payre of hosyn, black, with purple brech, embroidered and 
underlayd with cloth of sylver. 

Two payre of hosyn black, and garded with the same. 

A payre of hosyn of lether, the brech of skarlet, and garded 
with the same. 

A petycoate of skarlett. 

A cloke of skarlett. 

Three plumettes of feders, wherof one blacke, one russett, and 
vij. crymsyn. 

A gowne layd with sylver and gylt, and a girdle of greene 
ribband silke with a greate knot therto. 

A payre of arminge spores, and arminge sworde, with a cloth 
corded with crymsyn velvet. A buckler. 

A paire of stirropes, gilt, newe, the ledders corded with 
crymsyn velvett. 

A paire of stirropes, olde and gilt, the ledders corded with 
crymsyn velvett. 

A paire of stirropes, the ledders corded with crymsyn velvett, 
and greene and whyte lares. 

Tye hoses of greene velvett, embroidered with clothe of gold. 

A hole hors harnes of crymsyn velvet, frynged with damaske 
cloth of gold, and a pilyon of crymsyn velvet for my Lady, em- 
broidered with damaske cloth of golde. 

A harnes of blacke velvet stoded with . . . and gilt. 

A horse harnes of greene velvet, embroidered with damaske 
cloth of gold. 



212 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [486 

A headstall and a reane of crymsyn velvet, guarded with 
whyte and greene ribands. 

A sadle covered with crymsyn velvet, frynged with damaske 
and gold. 

A saddle covered with black velvet, frynged with damask and 
gold, and new girthes to the same. 

A saddle, covered with black clothes for a male, and girthes 
to the same. 

A snmpter saddle. 

Two barbes for horses. 

A paire of buskyns of blacke velvet. 

iij. paire of buskyns of blacke clothe. 

ij. payre of yellow buskyns. 

iij. payre of buskyns. 

A payre of shoes of crymsyn velvet quartered. 

iij. payre of shoes of whyte clothe, wherof one paire given to 
Mr. Audley, the ij d day of October. 

iiij paire of shoes of redd clothe. 

iij. paire of yellow clothe. 

A payre of arminge shoes. 

A payre of slippers of redd letter. 

A paire of male gerthes. 

A sumpter cloth, containing in length ij.y ds , and in bredth a 
y d and di. 

A sumpter cloth, contayning in length ij. yerdes, and in bredth 
1 y* 1 and di. 



A gowne of tynsell with crymsyn saten. 

A gowne of damaske clothe of golde, lyned with crymsyn saten. 
A gowne of damaske clothe of gold, furred with ermyne. 
A gowne of crymsyn tynsell, lyned with crymsyn velvet, 
A gowne of cloth of sylver, lyned with damaske clothe of gold. 
A gowne of crymsyn velvett, perled, and lyned with cloth of 
sylver. 

A gowne of purple velvett, lyned with cloth of damaske golde. 
A gowne of blacke velvett, lyned with crymsyn tynsell. 
A gowne of greene velvett, lyned with greene saten. 
A gowne of whyte satyn, lyned with crymsyn velvett. 
A gowne of blacke velvett, furred with mynever. 



487] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 213 

A gowne of black velvett, lyned with crymsyn saten. 

A gowne of tawney velvet. 

A gowne of blaeke damaske, lyned with, blacke velvet. 

A gowne of russet satyn, lyned with grene tynsell. 

A gowne of tawney camlet, lyned with tawney velvet. 

A kirtle of damaske cloth of golde. 

A kirtle of yellow satyn. 

A kirtle of white satyn. 

A kirtle of black velvet. 

A kirtle of russet satyn. 

A cloke. 

A christeninge gown of blewe velvet, furred and powdered 
with armins. 

A payre of shoes of black velvet. 

A payre of shoes of blacke cloth. 

A payre of slippers of black velvet. 

A payre of slippers of black lether. ' ' 14 

This is a very long inventory, but many like it, and some with 
more items of wearing apparel still, could have been listed. In- 
directly it conveys a fair impression of an important part of the 
work of the men entrusted with the care of all this rich stuff. 

The ward-robers were busy servitors ; those in office for the 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, some six men and a child, were among 
the few servants in that great household, the exigencies of wmose 
offices relieved them from personal attendance upon his Grace at 
all hours of the day. Even when there was a press of strangers 
to be entertained, these men were not called upon to help in the 
Hall or the Great Chamber, if their proper work were at all en- 
gaging. 15 

Another much prized household department was the Armory. 
Richard Brathwait writes concerning it as follows: "It is a 
thing very commendable that the Earle have a faire Armorye 
well furnished with Armours, "Weapons, and shott; and it will 
be a good example for such Noblemen and gentlemen as shall see 
the same, to furnish themselves according to their places and de- 
grees; for (albeit I hope, and with all my harte doe pray, that 
the Kings Majestie may long raigne over this Realme of Greate 

14 Italian Relation of England, Camden Society, 125-129. 
is Northumberland Household Book, 326-327. 



214 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [488 

Brittaine in prosperity and peace) yet I thincke it were not 
amisse in time of peace to have this noble Realme furnished and 
provided of all things necessary for Armes. ' ' 16 

As a matter of fact, most noblemen had their armories which 
were probably well equipped. The historian Harrison, in his 
chapter on Armour and Munitions says — ' ' As for the armories 
of some of the nobilitie (whereof I also haue seene a part) they 
are so well furnished, [that] within some one baron's custodie 
I haue seene three score [or a hundred] corslets at once, beside 
caliuers (i.e. colivers) hand-guns, bowes, skeffes of arrowes, pikes, 
bils, polaxes, flaskes, touchboxes, targets, &c: the verie sight 
wherof appalled my courage. ' ' 17 

What an armory of the early day, (about the middle of the 
15th century) might have in the way of equipment, may be seen 
from the inventories of Sir John Fastolfe, quoted above. Among 
other paraphernalia for war-fare, that famous old soldier had 
stored up in his domestic arsenal the following items — Pieces 
of satin and silk for dublets and jackets; jacks of black linen 
cloth, stuffed with mail, and canvas and mail ; caps armored with 
mail and horn ; mailed gloves of sheep and doe skin ; great cross- 
bows of steel ; with a great double windlass ; small and great 
quarrels — the latter feathered with brass ; cuirasses, Brigander- 
ons, Haubergeons, Ventaylettes, a Garde-de-bras, Salades and 
spear-heads. 

Turning to the days of Elizabeth, it appears that the armory 
of one of her great military men, at least, was well supplied with 
equipment; when Lord Willoughby was in the Netherlands, one 
of his servants, John Stubbe, wrote to his Grace, under date of 
May 14th, 1585, concerning some domestic affairs, and especially 
about the proposed removal of some equipment from the armory ; 
he expresses himself with solicitude as follows in part — ' ' There 
are also sixty armours to be carried out of the house and over 
seas, for the delivery of which she (Lady Willoughby) would 
gladly have your warrant. She is having them dressed, so that 
they may be ready when cousin Wingfield calls for them. Wing- 
field says that he has authority from you to take these things 
without other warrant to her. 'Good my Lord, my Lady your 

is Brathwait, 40. 

17 Description of England, Book II, 282, New Shakespeare Society. 



489] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 215 

wife takes hirself for guardian of your house and what is therein 
during your absence; ... it wold remedy all to delyver 
your pleasure in a few written words. To say truth it is no 
tryfelyng matter to empty your store house of armor. It is a 
man's other thresory, therfor requireth som warrant from your- 
self. A man shall hardly get a robbinet out of hir Majesties 
armory without a warrant. ' ' 1S 

The household armory was in the care of the Armorers, who 
were regularly enrolled in the servant corps. Eegarding the 
duties of these men, B rath wait again, expresses himself as fol- 
lows: "If the one of the Armorers be a perfect workeman, the 
other may serve, though he be of lesse skill; for I would have 
them not onely able to scoure and dresse Armours, weapons and 
shott, and to place the same in the Armorye in decent and seem- 
ely manner, but also to make Armours, wherby the Earle shal be 
better furnished, and they kept from idlenes. ' ' 19 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland employed four hands, all of 
whom probably belonged to this service. The first of these was 
the overseer of the armory and the armorer who received for his 
". . . Fee an Hole Yere for that caus to be pay d ones a Yere 
at Michalmis — xx.s. " The second was the Armorer himself, 
who supplied some of the materials of his craft — ■ emery and oil 
for cleaning and polishing, and buckles, leather and nails for 
repairing his goods ; his remuneration was 53s : 4d. per annum, in 
household wages, plus an additional fee of 10s. paid to him twice 
a year — at Lady-Day and Michaelmas. The two other men 
were a "Bower" and a "Fletcher" respectively; the former 
hired " . . . for seynge and Dryssynge of all my Lordis Bowes 
in the Yoman of Bowes kepynge from tyme to tyme Viz. for 
Settynge Pullynge and Skynnynge of them yerely as oft as they 
nede at his owen cost and charge And to fynde Home Glewe and 
all maner of things that they lak for mendynge of them when 
they be faltid "Which my Lord gyffith to hym yerely for his Fee 
for mendynge and seynge to my said Lordis Bowes to be paid 
ones a Yere at Michalmas for the hole Yere — xxs. ' ' 

The Fletcher attended to the dressing of all the arrows, he, 
like his brothers ". . . to fynde "Wax Glewe Silke and al 

is Grimsthorpe House Papers, 25. 
is Brathwait, 40. 



216 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [490 

maner of othir things that laks for mendyinge of the said Ar- 
rowes. . . " 20 

It was the question of military preparedness, further, together 
with the need of being well equipped against several of the com- 
mon diversions of the day, which accounted for the importance 
of still another household department — that of the Horse. The 
5th Earl of Northumberland ordinarily sheltered and fed from 
twenty-seven to thirty-three horses. These were for the use of 
members of the family and certain servants, for the most part 
connected with the stables; they were catalogued in the house- 
hold accounts after their various uses — gentle horse, palfreys 
for my lady and her women, his Grace's hobbies and nags, a 
male-horse for carrying the earl's armor, sumpters or cloth-sack 
horses, for transporting his bed and wearing apparel, great trot- 
ting horses for drawing the ' ' chariot, ' ' three horses for the mill, 
two of which were used to run the machinery, while the third 
carted grain and meal to and from the mill — and seven for the 
servants "that ar at my Lordes Horsyng." 

During the winter, the earl's careful economy limited the 
number of horses to twenty-one, kept by the establishment at 
"hard meat" in the stables. Evidently her Grace staid in-door.s 
during that rigorous season ; at any rate, her palfreys were off 
the pay-roll. The earl drew up this latter list which was 
". . . not to be excidit without my Lordes Pleasure knowen 
upon a (any) Consideracion, " while his heir was still in his 
nonage ; notwithstanding that fact, his Grace proudly anticipates 
the young man's happy maturity by listing "THE HORSSES 
that my Lorde allowith the LORDE PERCY his Son and Heire 
to have stondynge in his Lordshipes STABLE When he is at 
Yeres to ryde and is at my Lords Fyndynge. ' ' 

Truly one would need little more than this old accounting to 
estimate the high status in the family of the heir of the Housel ! 
No horses were listed for the use of the women, as above ob- 
served; the earl himself, furthermore, was content with two 
nags, one "for change," while four more had to suffice for car- 
riage of his stuff when he traveled — his bed, clothing, armor, 
shaving-basin and ewer, the latter utensils, in such an exigency, 
under the charge of a Groom of the Ewery. A nag apiece was 

20 Northumberland Household Booh, 349, 352. 



491] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 217 

allotted my lord's second and third sons, while in glittering 
contrast to the humble estate of these luckless minors, and pro- 
portionally, to that of the earl himself, the generous provision 
of six horses must have gone far toward satisfying every gal- 
loping whim of the young scion upon whose shoulders would 
presently descend the ancient dignity of the House. Once vouch- 
safed a proper coming of age, young Lord Percy had his travell- 
ing equipment handsomely assured. He would ride in winter 
on a great double trotting horse ; another steed of similar fashion, 
called a "Curtail" should bear his young Grace out of towns, 
while, with lavish profusion, still a third was guaranteed to fa- 
cilitate his proper entry into the same centres of civilization. 
An ambling horse for daily travel, with "A proper ambling 
little Nag" against hawking and hunting, and a great ambling 
gelding to lug armor and a change of apparel, completed the 
really splendid out-fit destined one day to be his ! 21 

These horses owned by the earl, however, assured less than 
half of the mounted presentation made by his Grace's establish- 
ment when travelling; all but seven of the members of the so- 
called "riding household," probably owned their own horses, 
but the necessary fodder for them, together with horse-meat as 
they called it, was paid for winter and summer, by Northum- 
berland. 22 

Northumberland's riding establishment, at least that part of 
it actually owned and maintained at his expense, was small. In 
1469, the Duke of Clarence had ninty-three horses in his stables, 
sixty-nine of which were "double horses," while twenty-four 
were hackneys. Their bare maintenance cost the prince £266 : 
17 : 3. per annum ; hay, one load per diem costing £73 a year ; 
oats, of which 1820 quarters were required in a twelve-month, 
amounted to £151:13:4; litter for bedding — one hundred and 
four loads a year, cost £6 : 18 : 8, while shoeing totaled £35 : 5 : 3. 
in a year. 23 This however, was probably a sumptuous equipment 
for that time, and belonging to a prince of the blood, may have 
been above the average. On May 22nd, 1546, however, the 
Duchess of Suffolk had "90 horses and geldings of all ages and 

21 Northumberland Household Boole, 55 et seq., 357 et seq., etc. 

22 Ibid., 34, 37. 

23 Eoyal Household Ordinances, 104. 



218 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [492 

both ambling and trotting, 'as well of the stood as for the care- 
age'. . . "in her stables and pastures at Grimsthorpe. 24 A 
contemporary biographer also affirms that the stables of Lord 
Burghley cost that nobleman at least 1000 marks per annum, 23 
while, in 1561, Edward, Earl of Derby, spent £53 : 18 : 11 on 
beans and oats alone, for horse feed, and the thirteen "stablers" 
enrolled in the servant corps of the Earl Henry, speak well for 
the riding equipment of that nobleman. 26 

The conduct of the stables, like all the other household depart- 
ments, was in the hands of Yeomen and Grooms, customarily 
called after their special branches of service "Yeomen of the 
Horses," "Yeomen of the "Waineries," "Yeomen of the Stir- 
rups," "Groom Sumpterman, " or "Groom of the Hackneys" 
etc. They one and all took their orders from the Gentleman of 
the Horse, a functionary, who, from the importance of his sta- 
tion, was almost on a par with the great officers of the household. 

According to B rath wait, the office of Gentleman of the Horse 
was " . . . not properly of household, yet annexed vnto it ; so 
that if the cheefe officers doe, either in the saide gentleman, or 
any els belonging to the stable, finde offences, they may correct 
and punish the same. ' ' The functions of his office ran the usual 
wide gamut of duties ; he had to know the horses weel, breeding, 
buying and training being among his important charges. ' ' He is 
to take delight in being often in the stable, as also in riding him- 
selfe vpon great Horses which will cause the Rider to be more 
diligent to make them well mouthed and ready to gallop the 
Ringe, to mannage, to make the standinge turne, to passe the 
Taro, to retire, to curvet, and bownde, and runne a swift careere, 
and to make a iust and true stopp. If an horse can doe all 
theese well, he may be allowed for an horse of service, although 
ther be divers other things for pleasure, which the Rider may 
practize." 27 

The Gentleman of the Horse held the appointment of his Yeo- 
men and Grooms and exercised a constant surveillance over them ; 
while under ordinary circumstances such superintendence were 

24 Grimsthorpe House Papers, 453. 

25 Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 22 et seq. 

26 Stanley Papers, Part 2, 3, 27, 86-87. 

27 Brathwait, 13 and following. 



493] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 219 

detailed enough, yet when the household moved, or when his 
Lordship travelled, a special responsibility fell to the share of 
this official; diligent painstaking was his day's order; ". . . 
in Iourneying, . . . he is to be last up in the evening, and 
first in the morning, and to be in the stables both after and be- 
fore the grooms, which will cause both yeomen and groomes to be 
more diligent, and yet all will be little enough, as by experience 
he shall finde." 

When his Lord journeyed furthermore, the Gentleman of the 
Horse gave personal attendance — ' ' Hee is to attende his lorde 
taking horsse, to helpe him up and downe, and to bee alewayes 
neare his personne, so lonnge as hee is on horsse backe, and to see 
his lordes spare horsse bee ever neare and reddie uppon call, 
likewise to see the footemen bee reddie to attende on eather 
side." 28 

Finally, this officer, like his fellows in other trusts, had his 
careful accounts to keep — lists of all the horses, their condition, 
the pedigrees of foals and fillies bred in the stud, inventories of 
all stable paraphernalia, the feed stored and used, with the 
source of supply and the prices affixed, together with all the ex- 
pense accounts when the household or some part of it travelled. 

Some of these accounts were very full and accurate. One 
drawn up in April of 1547, of the horses belonging to the Duch- 
ess of Suffolk, fills three and one-half printed pages. Its title 
in part indicates its scope — ' ' The booke of suche horses as my 
Lades grace hathe at Grimsthorpe or ellse where the 28 of 
Aprill, anno primo Ed. VI., with a booke thereonto anexed of 
all suche horses and geldinges as hath ben solde, geven or died 
since the 22 of May anno 38 Hen. VIII., untill this same daye 
afor named." The tabulation, as the title sets forth, describes 
the horses, trotting, ambling, etc., frequently with some further 
useful characteristics, age and perchance, pedigree. . . "A 
baye flanders mare with four whight fett." "Baye flanders 
with a melle (i.e. tender) mothe," etc. 29 

A man of first rate intelligence and not a little technical train- 
ing, the Gentleman of the Horse filled a conspicuous office in the 
household. In the social life of the establishment also, his status 

as Breviate, 326. 

29 Grimsthorpe Souse Papers, 453 et seq. 



220 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [494 

was high ; dining at the table of the first officers, he was further- 
more honoured with the distinction of carrying up the first dish 
to his lordship's board, while if guests were being entertained, 
he might perchance be summoned to fill the very honourable 
position of Carver or Sewer to his Grace. 

A very peculiar honour, in conclusion, fell to the Gentleman 
of the Horse upon the sad occasion of his noble master's demise. 
In the stately funeral procession, the favorite riding-horse of the 
deceased was saddled and bridled with black velvet trappings, 
and led, immediately behind the corpse of its late master, by this 
officer, its somber equipment subsequently falling to him as a 
dole. 30 

A passing note, finally, should be taken of the Garden depart- 
ment, among these miscellaneous branches of household service. 
Brath wait's description of the duties of Gardners, affords, as 
usual, a good insight into the great store set by well conducted 
gardens among the nobility of the Tudor period. "The Gar- 
diners should not onely be diligent and painefull, but also ex- 
perienced and skilfull, at the least the one of them to have seene 
the fine gardens about London and in Kent ; to be able to cast out 
the Quarters of the garden as may be most convenient, that the 
Walkes and Allies may be longe and large ; to cast up mounts, 
and to make fine Arbours ; to set hedges, and finely to cut them ; 
to tread out knottes in the quarters of Armes and fine devises, 
to set and sowe in them sweete smelling flowers and strewing 
hearbes; to have in the finest parts of the garden, Artichocks, 
Pompions, Melons, Cucumbers, and such like; in other places 
convenient, Radishes, Keritts, Carrots, and other rootes, with 
store of all kinde of hearbes for the Kitchen and Apothecary: 
to know what flowers and hearbes will beste endure the Sunne, 
and which neede most to be shaded : in like sorte for the East 
and North winds, not onely to be skilful in planting and graft- 
ing all kinds of fruicte trees, but also how to place them in 
best order: to be able to iudge of the best times and seasons to 
plante and graft all fruictes, and to sett and sowe all flowers, 
hearbes, rootes ; and also the best time when to cut and gather 
all hearbes, and seedes, and fruictes, and in what sorte to keepe 
and preserve them: to make fair bowling Alleys, well banked, 

soBrathwait, 16. 



495] MISCELLANEOUS SERVICE IN THE HOUSEHOLD 221 

and scaled; which, being well kepte in many howses are very 
profitable to the gardiners. . . " 31 

It is not necessary after this sketch, and with all that has been 
written about the subject, to comment (in detail) on the wonder- 
ful results achieved in gardening by some of the experts in the 
art at this time in England. The Garden of Lord Burghley, at 
his house Theobalds, must have been wonderfully beautiful ; the 
observant Hentzner visited it and set down this brief descrip- 
tion. ". . . from this place (the gallery) one goes into the 
garden, encompassed with a ditch full of water, large enough 
for one to have the pleasure of going in a boat, and rowing be- 
tween the shrubs ; here are a great variety of trees and plants ; 
labyrinths made with a great deal of labour; a jet d'eau, with its 
bason of white marble ; columns and pyramids of wood and other 
materials up and down the garden. After seeing these, we were 
led by the gardner into the summer-house, in the lower part of 
which, built semicireularly, are the twelve Roman emperors in 
white marble, and a table of touchstone; the upper part of it is 
set round with cisterns of lead, into which the water is con- 
veyed through pipes, so that fish may be kept in them, and in 
summer time they are very convenient for bathing; in another 
room for entertainment, very near this, and joined to it by a 
little bridge, was an oval table of red marble. ' ' 32 

King James I afterwards further improved and embellished 
this celebrated garden, and another foreigner, one Mandelslo, 
visiting England in 1640, impressed with its verdant splendours, 
also left a short record of his visit to it — "It is large and 
square, having all its walls covered with sillery, and a beautiful 
jet d'eau in the centre. The parterre hath many pleasant walks, 
many of which are planted on the sides with espaliers, and others 
arched over. Some of the trees are limes and elms, and at the 
end is a small mount, called the Mount of Venus, which is placed 
in the midst of a labyrinth, and is upon the whole, one of the 
most beautiful spots in the world. ' ' 33 

Truly the gardens ran a wide range of usefulness, furnishing 
play-grounds, picturesque walks, and by no means least, fresh 
fruits and vegetables for the table and herbs for the apothecary ! 

31 Ibid., 39-40. 

32 Hentzner 's Travels, 38. 

33 Voyages de Mandelslo, quoted in Archaeologia, VII, 121. 



CHAPTER X 
SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 

This furthermore is to be noted, that our princes (Princesse. Ed.) and 
the nobilitie haue their cariage commonlie made by carts, wherby it cometh 
to passe, that when the queenes maiestie dooth remoue from anie one place 
to another, there are vsuallie 400 carewares, (which amount to the summe 
of 2400 horsses,) appointed out of the countries adioining whereby his 
cariage is conueied vnto the appointed place. . ." 

— ' Harrison, Description of England. 

Tudor noblemen, if they kept their estates up properly, were 
apt to be very busy men — more so, if they took any share in the 
worldly affairs of their day, as most of them did. However, the 
intricate details of estate management, no more than the peren- 
nial demands of politics or social life, exacting as these might 
be, filled all of their time, and a wide and varied round of diver- 
sions helped them fleet their leisure hours pleasantly enough. 
Among other amusements to be briefly observed, there were two 
practices common among all the nobility, which border, at least, 
on diversions — these were moving from residence to residence, 
and travelling; some of the details involved in the conduct of 
these two activities are exceedingly interesting. 

All noblemen customarily owned several residences which 
they reserved for their own use, at each of which they dwelt for 
varying lengths of time every year. The 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland owned, among other castles and manours, four places in 
Yorkshire, devoted during parts of each year to his personal 
use. These were the Castles of Leckinfield and "Wressil, the 
latter about one-half the size of Leckinfield — New Lodge in 
Leckinfield Park, and Topclif, described by Leland "as a goodly 
maner house yn a parke ; ' ' Leckinfield was situated two miles 
from the town of Beverly, while "Wressil was equally distant 

222 



497] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 223 

from Howeden Market "where the bishop of Durham hath a 
f aire palace. ' ' 1 

The great Earls of Derby, Lancashire noblemen, likewise re- 
tained in the 16th century, several houses for their own accommo- 
dation — Lathom House, New Park, a lodge in Lathom Park, 
and Knowsley, all frequently mentioned in their household 
books. 2 Lord Willoughby had his residence, Grimsthorpe House, 
in Lincoln County, another place at Stamford in the same coun- 
ty, as well as his London residence in the Barbican ; and a con- 
temporary biographer, describing 'the housekeeping of Lord 
Burghley says "And first . . . it is to be noted, he kept 
principally two houses or families; one at London, the other at 
Theobalds. Though he was also at chardge both at Burghley 
and at Court, which made his houses in a manner four. ' ' 4 This 
practice was common with all the nobility. 

The Earl of Northumberland and the Earls of Derby used 
their lodges for housekeeping during short periods only, when 
accounts were being taken, or as temporary dwellings, while one 
of their greater houses was being opened up; and in Northum- 
berland's case, residence at New Lodge was always with a lim- 
ited household. On the other hand, when the entire establish- 
ment was ' ' set up " at one of the large castles, it remained in oc- 
cupation usually for some months — perhaps half a year run- 
ning, being known during such time as the "standing house." 
Thus in 1586, the Earl of Derby resided at Knowsley from July 
18th to December 24th. In the year following, Lathom House 
was occupied from May 13th to July 24th, when the household 
returned to Knowsley, remaining there until February of '88. 
In 1589, part of June and July was spent at Lathom, whilst 
during the summer and the early autumn, Knowsley was again 
open. From January to April of 1590, the household resided at 
Lathom, Knowsley being the residence that year from June until 
the end of August. 5 

The 5th Earl of Northumberland probably divided his resi- 
dence somewhat after this fashion between his two Castles of 

i Northumberland Household Book, 465. 

2 Stanley Papers, Pt. 2. 

s Grimsthorpe House Papers. 

* Peck, Desiderata Curiosa, 22 et seq. 

s Stanley Papers, Pt. 2. 



224 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [498 

Leckinfield and Wressil, the first of which houses, however, with 
the New Lodge in the neighboring park, was officially closed 
each year from Hallowe'en until Shrovetide. 6 

The process of moving the household from one residence to 
another was quite a ponderous labour, conducted with a good 
deal of ceremony, and well bolstered up with certified bills and 
all the customary clerk-work. Certain of the servants always 
went ahead to open up a castle and set all in readiness for habi- 
tation against the coming of the rest of the family; and while 
no country place was ever left without a keeper, or entirely 
closed, fitting for residence a castle like Leckinfield, with its 
eighty-three odd apartments, "houses" and chambers, all but 
eleven of which were shut up during the winter, must have been 
quite an undertaking. 

If the family spent some time at a lodge, or in a neighboring 
town, between breaking up at one castle and re-establishing 
housekeeping at another — a thing frequently done — certain 
servants were given liberty to go about their own affairs in that 
interim, and probably, as in the Northumberland household, lost 
their wages for that period; still other servants were delegated 
to stay on in the castle about to be quit; some might be placed 
at board-wages in the town were the family sojourned, drawing 
pay also for attendance upon the lord and lady, which they 
customarily gave between meals ; whilst still others of the servant 
group dwelt in the usual intimate association with the family, 
devoting their time and attention to household service as under 
ordinary conditions. For each of these groups, a check-roll 
would be made out by one of the Clerks of the Brevements, or 
the Clerk of the Kitchen, containing the names of the servants 
and their offices in the household, and in Northumberland's 
household these bills received his Grace's signature, after they 
had passed his scrutiny. 7 

Moving entailed, further, the actual transportation of much 
household material — furnishings, and servant equipments. In 
the household of the 5th Earl of Northumberland, "cariages" 
were used for this purpose, and each time residence was changed 

6 Northumberland Household Bool;, 377 et seq. 

7 Northumberland Household Bool'-, 193-194, 250-251, 261-263. See also 
Stanley Papers, Pt. 2, 37, and Peck, op. eit., 22 et seq. 



499] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 225 

by the establishment, the loading of the carriages was superin- 
tended by his Grace's Marshals and Ushers of the Hall, under 
direction of the head officers, who, in turn, worked after the 
household rule for moving, set up by the earl himself with his 
domestic council. 

According to this regulation of Northumberland's, at each 
removal, three carriages were set aside for the ward-robe stuff; 
this included apparel belonging to the earl himself, his wife, and 
her ladyship's gentlewomen; their bedding, with that for the 
children, and other articles, presumably also personal, from the 
Great Chamber. Two of these carriages had to take every- 
thing except stuff actually in use by the people concerned — 
". . . the Stuf that doith hange and the Beddes, . . ." 
for the removal of which the remaining carriage was reserved. 

Into another vehicle was placed the clothing of the older chil- 
dren and that of their attendants and servants. Single carts 
were likewise assigned, one for the lighter vestry furnishings, a 
second to the cups, cans, cruses, basins, chipping-knives, and 
linen, from the pantry, buttery, seller and ewery, with the bed- 
ding and clothing of the servants of those offices; a third to the 
bake-house appurtenance, with the beds, apparel, and other be- 
longings of the Bakers, Brewers and Groom Ushers; a fourth 
similarly accomodated the Attorney, if he were in the house, the 
two Auditors, two Carvers, two Sewers and two Gentlemen 
"Waiters ; a fifth was used thus by the Gentlemen and Yeomen of 
the Chambers; a sixth and seventh to the impedimenta, of the 
eight household clerks — four to a cart, each group with its 
' ' Gret Standert Chest for carying of ther Bookes. . . " ; an 
eighth lugged stuff for the two Chaplains., the Officers of Arms, 
four Yeomen of the Chamber, four Yeomen "Waiters and the two 
Porters — all, two to a bed, sorted after their callings, whilst a 
ninth cart accomodated the "Toilles," bedding and apparel of 
the Smith, Joiner, Painter, the two Minstrels, and the two 
Huntsmen. 

Two carriages were required for the utensils from the kitchen, 
scullery, larder and pastry departments, including spits, pots, 
pans, "traffets" (i.e. milk strainers), racks, "Pryntes" 
(moulds?) for pastry, scullery vessels, dresser clothes, ". . . 
with the ij Beddes for the iiij Cookes to ly in And all the Parsans 



226 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [500 

ther apparrell. . . " and two carriages were scheduled likewise 
for the bedding and clothing belonging to the Dean, Sub-Dean, 
Priests, Gentlemen and Children of the Chapel, with that of the 
Yeoman and Groom of the Vestry ; the Priests and Gentlemen of 
the Chapel were allowed a bed to each couple, the Yeoman and 
Groom also slept together, whilst the little youngsters were 
bundled three to a bed ; one of the carts loaded the beds, whilst 
the other stored wearing apparel. 8 

Thus, might one have been a wayfarer on that Yorkshire road- 
way lying between Leckinfield and Wressil Castles, on a fine 
September day, Anno Domini 1520, perhaps there had lumbered 
past him down the rutted way, a creaking caravan of seventeen 
clumsy vehicles, in each of which was carefully stored a goodly 
portion of the domestic paraphernalia belonging to the greatest 
nobleman in those parts — the mighty 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land. Nay, such processions must have been common enough 
sights in Sixteenth-century England, momentarily stirring the 
admiration or the hatred perhaps, of the country folk, according 
to the character of the particular nobleman owning the goods. 
But as old Harrison would say, whither is our dreaming fancy 
carrying us ! Moving on its practical side was a troublesome 
exercise, necessary perhaps, to more easily reach food stored up 
on different demesnes ; however, the whole process was conducted 
with a fine flourish, which leads one to believe that it was not 
entirely an unpleasant work, while to a lord himself, and par- 
ticularly to many in his household, moving from residence to 
residence must have proved an agreeable change of surround- 
ings quite worth the temporary annoyance. 

Very similar to this cumbersome but stately order for moving 
from house to house, was the regulation of the Riding House- 
hold — an institution whose proper organization and working 
was certainly a source of pride and satisfaction to those haughty, 
aristocratic old noblemen. Probably it was a portion of some 
nobleman's Riding Household which Paul Hentzner saw, and 
which led him to comment upon the proud character of the 
English ; at any rate the Riding Household was that very goodly 
part of the regular establishment, which was detailed to accom- 

s Northumberland Household Boole, 386 et seq. 



501] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 227 

pany a nobleman on his travels either about his own country, or 
abroad, should fortune carry him thither. 

In personnel the Riding Household was simply a diminished 
domestic equipment, practically every department of the regular 
home establishment being represented in it. It was organized 
to give such service, as far as circumstances would permit, as 
that which a nobleman enjoyed at home — to guarantee satis- 
faction of his every want, and by no means least, to assure the 
royal splendor and maintain the dignity of the house before the 
world. 

The "SHORTE DRAUGHT made of TH 'ORDER of my 
Lordes SERVAUNTES of the RIDING HOUSHOLDE As well 
"Winter as Somer How they shal be appointed to gif their Atten- 
daunce daily at every tyme when my Lorde rides" enumerates 
the Riding Household of the 5th Earl of Northumberland. There 
were detailed first, a group of five servants " . . . that RIDES 
befoir with hym that goith to taike up my Lordes Lodginges 
when his Lordeschippe rides" including in order a Yeoman 
Usher of the chamber "for taking of my Lordes Lodginges," a 
Clerk of the Kitchen, who saw all of the offices properly 
equipped for the incoming of their officers, ' ' a Yeoman Useher of 
the Hall for Herbigiours for my Lordes Servantes," a groom 
for his Lordship's chamber, and a Yeoman or a Groom Cook. 
In this group, the Harbinger was a most important functionary, 
one whose duties must often have been perplexing and of a na- 
ture to strain the temper of any but an even tempered soul; 
mention has been made before of the very conscientious at- 
tention paid to rank in Tudor times; it was an exceedingly 
precious commodity, each member of a household establishment, 
as of other institutions, guarding his modicum of status jealous- 
ly; now when the household moved, of course there must be no 
pell-mell jumbling of potentiores and inferiores. Every moth- 
er's son had to be lodged while on the road exactly at his proper 
radius from his noble master and this finickin task was the Har- 
binger's chief duty. George, Duke of Clarence prescribed the 
following regulations for men filling this office in his household, 
and they well illustrate the exacting nature of this servitor's 
work : 

"ITEM, it is appoynted that the herbergoures for the tyme 



228 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [502 

beinge shall make herbergage to everye estate, and other persons 
of the eourte, that, after theire estate and degrees, they have 
lodginge nexte to my lord, as theyre offices and attendaunces 
require. And that noe man of the seid eourte presume to dis- 
lodge any man, or take any lodginge, other then shall be ap- 
poynted by the seid herbergoures ; and if case be that any of the 
seid company be lodged, yett for resonable causes and consider- 
ations to remove hym, and otherwise lodge hym, as the case shall 
require. Alway forseen that in the town adjoyning to my horde's 
lodginge be reserved and kept reasonable lodging for straungers, 
and suche as shalle resorte to the seide Duke ; and if any man 
presume to do or offend contrarye to this ordinaunce, to be pun- 
ished, for the furst offence to leese a monethe's wages; the 
second tyme to be emprisoned ; the third tyme to be putte oute 
of the eourte. ' ' 9 

To return to the Riding Household — in addition to these of 
the first group, a party of officers called cloth-sack officers rode 
likewise, ever in advance of the real cavalcade; they were a 
Groom Sumpterman for the Cloth-Sack with his lordship's bed, 
a similar officer with the cloth-sack with the coffers, and the 
gentlemen servants attendant upon the cloth-sacks. 

Finally, in the procession proper, a Yeoman of the Cellar, 
with his cup, Marshals of the Hall, an Officer of Arms, Gentle- 
men Attendants, a Gentleman Usher of the Chamber, together 
with a Sewer, Carver, Cup-bearer and Chaplain, rode ahead of 
the earl, while in the rear this veritable ambassadorial accom- 
paniment was rounded up by the Yeomen of the Robes, Horses, 
Chambers, Pantry, Buttery, and the Yeomen Waiters, the 
Grooms of the Chambers, Ward-robe, Ewery and Stirrups, Clerks 
of the Signet and Foreign Expenses and ". . . all outher 
Yornen being with my Lorde to ride bihinde my Lorde in like 
caas." 10 

There were fifty-seven people in Northumberland's Riding 
Household, a complete equipment, and proportionally as digni- 
fied and serviceable as that of the Duke of Clarence, which latter, 
with its high officers, Chaplains, Bachelor Knights, Secretary, 
Ushers, Yeomen and Grooms, Herald-Messengers and Trumpets, 

9 Boyal Household Ordinances, 94. 

10 Northumberland Household Bool:., 156 et seq. 



503] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 229 

listed in 1469, some one hundred and eighty-eight persons. 11 What 
a picturesque and truly splendid institution, this of the Riding 
Household! Its advanced guard of busy harbingers with their 
attendants to select and assign proper quarters to all in his 
Grace's train; then the cavalcade itself, all duly officered and 
equipped to make the best possible presentation, and guarantee 
his lordship the elaborate ceremonial of home service; all en 
route, furthermore, moving to the brisk note of the trumpet. 
Each establishment, as noted, had its Trumpets and Drums, and 
according to B rath wait, the former musician was a prominent 
personage when the household moved — "When the Earle is to 
ride a Journey, he is early every morning to sownde, to give 
warning, that the Officers may have time to make all things ready 
for breakefast, and the groomes of the stable to dresse and meate 
the horses. When it is breakefast time, he is to make his second 
sounding: breakefast ended, and things in a readiness, he is to 
sounde the third time, to call to horse. He is to ride formost, 
both out and into any towne, sounding his trumpet. Upon the 
way he may sounde for pleasure. But if he see the day so spent 
that they are like to bringe late to their lodging, he is to sound 
the Tantara, to move them to hasten their pace. ' ' The trumpeter 
blew with a right good lust too, for our pleasant old author 
warns him and the drummer ". . . to goe often into the 
Stable, to aequainte the horses with the sounde of the trumpet, 
and the noise of the drumme." 12 If in the daily life of these 
old noblemen there was much which impresses one as barbaric, 
truly they did foster a tone, a varied colour in their domestic in- 
stitutions indicative of a vigorous zest for life and its possibilities 
which is refreshing to contemplate ! 

The noblemen's resources for diversions, more strictly speak- 
ing, were astonishingly varied ; without mentioning the numerous 
games and races, enlivened ordinarily by betting, a round of 
diversified entertainment was readily available certainly, for any 
interested in it, running all the way from the curious charms of 
a wandering bear-ward or juggler, to a piece, perchance by the 
Royal Players themselves! 

In 1560-61, Richard Bertie (later Lord Willoughby) and his 

11 Eoyal Household Ordinances, 99. 

12 Brathwait, 44-45. 



230 ^ THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [504 

Countess enjoyed miscellaneous entertainment, a part of which 
with their rewards was. as follows : "To one of Borne, which 
brought a bayting bull," 3s.4d. "To one which played the 
hobby horse before my Master and Ladies Grace." 6s. 8d. "To 
Goods the master of fense and his companie which played before 
her Grace." 13s.4d. "To two men which played upon the pup- 
petts two nights before herr Grace." 6s,8d. "To four musitians 
and a hobby horse which weare at Beleawe at the marriage of 
Mr. Carro and Denman. " 15s,10d. "To a moresse dawncer of 
litle Bytam. " 2s. "To a jugler With his musisioner at Mr. 
Nautons mariage." 10s, 13 

Belvoir Castle was visited by jugglers, mummers, bull-baiters, 
dancing bears, bear-wards, among others — those of the Queen, 
and those of their Lords of Suffolk and Westmoreland, — jesters 
and fighting dogs, for all of which amusement small sums were 
paid out by their Graces. 14 Not infrequently too, noblemen de- 
pended upon home talent for this sort of diversion. The 5th 
Earl of Northumberland had his own bear- ward, as did many of 
the noblemen, and his Grace "usithe and accustomyth to gyfe 
yerly when his Lordschipe is at home to his Barward when he 
comyth to my Lorde in Cristmas with his Lordshippes Beests for 
makynge of his Lordschip pastyme the said xij days — xxs." 

Such was a common part of the miscellaneous entertainment 
of the day, a kind of motly vaudeville, in circuit from castle to 
castle. A higher type of amusement, certainly, was offered in 
that drama-loving age by the scores and scores of player troops, 
maintained frequently by noblemen themselves, by royalty, and 
also by many of the cities. Most, if not all of such troops, 
toured the great houses of the nobility, and their performances, 
together with plays done often by the servants of a household, 
certainly offered a great variety of dramatic entertainment. 

At Belvoir Castle rewards were paid through a series of years 
to players of the Lord Marquis of Exeter, to those of Lincoln, 
Wigan, Holland, Sleaford, Derbyshire, Doncaster, Newark, Lynn, 
to the Queen's troupe, Lady Suffolk's, Lord Shandone's (Shan- 
non's?), Lord Berkley's, Lord Dudley's, Lord Mounteagle 's, to 
the Children of Newark, and to many other troupes which 

is Grimstlwrpe House Papers, 463 et seq. 
i* Mss. of Duke of Butland, 4, 270 et seq. 



505] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 231 

weren't named specifically. These illustrations are perfectly 
characteristic of all households; further evidence, however, of 
the great prevalence of this kind of entertainment is offered in 
the exact schedule of player rewards drawn up by the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland for observance in his establishment : ' ' ITEM 
My Lorde usith and accustometh to gif yerely when his Lord- 
shipp is at home to every Erlis Players that comes to his Lord- 
schipe bitwixt Cristynmas ande Candlemas If he be his speciall 
Lorde and Frende ande Kynsman — xxs. ' ' and again, with due 
observance of relative merit: "ITEM My Lorde usith and ac- 
customyth to gyf yerely when his Lordship is at home to every 
Lordis Players that comytli to his Lordschipe betwixt Cristynmas 
and Candilmas — xs. " 

The Children of the Chapel of this nobleman, furthermore, 
were practised in the performance of religious pieces .at least; 
they received xxs ". . . if they doo play the Play of the Na- 
tivitie uppon Cristynmesi-Day in the mornnynge in my Lords 
Chapell befor his Lordship." They received the same fee for 
enacting the play of the Resurrection upon Easter morning, and 
shared with the other servant performers a x s. bonus for". . . 
the Play befor his Lordship uppon Shroftewsday at night. . ." 
The Christmas plays in this household were under the manage- 
ment of his Grace's Master of the Revels, whose pay was xxs 
". . . for the overseyinge and orderinge of his Lordships 
Playes Interludes and Dresinge that is plaid befor his Lordschips 
in his Hous in the xij th Dayes of Cristenmas. . ." 15 

Beside this director of the season's dramatic activities, an 
Abbot of Misrule also held sway for the earl over the Holiday 
festivities in general and was rewarded with xxs. like the Master 
of the Revels, for his efforts. 16 

It is delightful to record that most of the entertainment of the 
day was graced with an accompaniment of that "commendable 
sweete science," music, as Brathwait well calls it. Every house- 
hold had its " musitianers, " some of whose pleasant services have 
already been observed. They had other duties, however, full as 

15 Northumberland Household Booh, 339 et seq. 

is Bishop Percy, the editor of the Northumberland Household Boole, says 
that the Abbot of Misrule was probably the same personage who was later 
called the Lord of Misrule, after the time of the Reformation, when the 
word Abbot had an ill sound. 



232 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [506 

dainty as their play at feasts and upon journeys, one of which 
was their joyous heralding in of the New Year, done at the 
chamber door of the master of the household, early in the morn- 
ing, and then, in turn at the bed-room doors of the members of 
the family. The 5th Earl of Northumberland records his boun- 
den requital of these aubades with his usual exactness : — ' ' ITEM 
My Lorde usith ande accustomyth to gyfe yerly when his Lord- 
shipp is at home to his Mynstraills that be daly in his Houshold 
as his Tabret Lute ande Rebek upon New-Yeares-Day in the 
mornynge when they doo play at my Lordis Chambre doure for 
his Lordschipe and my Lady xxs. Viz. xiijs.iiijd. for my Lorde 
and vjs.viiijd. for my Lady if sche be at my Lordis fyndynge 
and not at hir owen And for playinge at my Lordis sone and heir 
Chaumbre doure the Lord Percy ijs. And for playinge at the 
Chaumbre doures of my Lords Yonger Sonnes my Yonge Mais- 
ters after viijd. the pece for every of them — xxiijs.iiijd. " ir 

Brathwait notes another common duty of the household mu- 
sicians — ' ' They are to teach the Earle 's children to singe and 
play upon the Base Violl, the Virginalls, Lute, Bandora or Cit- 
erne. " 18 In all households, in fact, teaching their art was prob- 
ably no small part of the musician's work. At Belvoir, Lady 
Frances Manners was taught the guitar, and earlier, her lady- 
ship in that household probably knew the lute, as an outlay of 
£3 :7s. for a lute, a lute book and a set of song books would seem 
to imply ; at one time, his lordship played upon the viol too. 19 

At Wallaton, Francis, nephew of the Willoughby 's, was 
taught to sing, 20 and payments were recorded for lessons on the 
virginals. Not infrequently also, likely talent in some member 
of the household force perhaps, or even in one outside the estab- 
lishment, attracted the attention of some member of a noble- 
man's family, and forthwith a jocund philanthropy urged in- 
struction for its development. At Belvoir, for example, little 
Richard, my lady's Page, was taught to play upon the lute, 21 

it Northumberland Household Booh, 343-344. Similar payments were 
made in all households, 
is Brathwait, 44. 

is Mss. of the) Duke of Rutland, 4, 532, 432. 
20 Mss. of Lord Middleton, 412, 413, 414. 
2i MSS. of the DuJce of Rutland, 4, 381. 



507] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 233 

and the Steward of Lord John Howard of Norfolk noted, ' ' Item, 
the same day my Lord made comenaunte with "Willm Wastell, 
of London, harper, that he shall have the sone of John Colet of 
Colchester, harper, for a yere, to teche hym to harpe and to synge, 
for the whiche techynge my Lord shall geve hym xiij.s. iiij.d. and 
a gown; wherof my Lord toke hym in ernest vj.s. viij.d. And at 
the ende of the yere he shall have the remenaunt, and is gown; 
and he is bound be endentur to my Lord to performe this com- 
enauntes before wretyn. ' ' 22 

There was, in truth, a remarkable zest for music among the 
Tudor nobility ; their household books abound with expense items 
noting the purchase of all manner of musical gear — instru- 
ments, materials for their equipment, costs for their repair, 
songs, anthems, all the cheerful paraphernalia needed in its per- 
formance. These items are constantly recurring, and some of 
them, especially those of the purchase of instruments, were often 
quite large. At Belvoir, for example, in 1602, a harp was 
bought, costing £8, and a viol da gamba costing £4, while an 
organ installed in 1620, a much more elaborate instrument cer- 
tainly than those in the Chapel of the 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, cost £55, and was paid for in installments ! 23 

The great taste for music among the nobility was in large part 
gratified too, as was their enthusiasm for dramatics, by the per- 
formances of skilled musicians of all kinds, who, like their 
brothers of the stage, toured the country, stopping for brief so- 
journs at the great houses of the nobles, especially during the 
Holiday season, all of whom were eager to exercise their pretty 
skill for the ever coveted pittance. 

Away back in the early day, Lord John Howard, at this place 
Stoke, in Suffolk, was visited from time to time by the Lord of 
Kent's Minstrels, The Trumpets of the Lord of Glocester, Lady 
Norfolk's Minstrels, My Lord of Glocester 's Shalms, Lord 
Make 's Minstrels, the Minstrels of Colchester, Thos. Stokes, Min- 

22 Howard Household BooVs (Collier), 300-301. Music was not always 
reserved for feasts and entertainments only ; in the household of the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland, it is noteworthy that in the servant attendance ordained 
for the Great Chamber for the evening, there were two minstrel yeomen 
waiters ! 

23 MSS. of the Duke of Rutland, 4, 434, 516. 



234 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [508 

strel of Hadley, Thos. Gardener, Minstrel of Hersted, and other 
wandering artists whose names are forever lost. 24 Still more 
varied and picturesque lists than this might be made up for the 
other great houses like Belvoir, or Grimsthorpe ; but the prev- 
alence of these tours by different performers is best illustrated 
again, as was the case with the players, by the accurate regula- 
tions of the 5th Earl of Northumberland regarding them: 
"ITEM My Lorde usith and accustomyth to gyfe yerly to every 
Erlis Mynstrellis when they custome to come to hym yerely iijs. 
iiijd. Ande if they come to my Lord seldome ones in ij or iij 
yeres then vis.viijd. — vi s. viijd." The "Kyngs Shames" re- 
ceived for their yearly performance xs., and every "". . . Dookes 
or Erlis Trumpetts if they com vj together to his Lordshipp Viz. 
if they come yerly vjs.viijd. ande if they come but in ij or iij 
Yeres than — xs, ' ' 25 

At a later date the amounts laid out on Christmas music were 
very much greater than the sums disbursed by this old York- 
shire house. At Belvoir, in the early 17th century, £6 :13s :4d. 
was a common payment, through a series of years, for that part 
of the festivities, 26 

Withal, however, the age was a propitious one for music and 
musicians. The 5th Earl of Northumberland paid his Taborette 
player £4 a quarter — as much as his Dean of the Chapel re- 
ceived, and the salaries per quarter of the other Minstrels. — the 
lute and rebec players, viz. 33s :4d. compare very favorably with 
the stipends of the other household servitors. 27 Music, in short 
was an indispensable, fine commodity, and one of the book- 
keepers for the "Willoughby's at Wallaton neatly illustrated the 
fact when he entered the purchase of a virginal among the 
' ' Necessaries of House ' ' in his accounts ! 28 

In brief conclusion regarding amusements. Many noblemen 
in the Tudor period were very cultured men, and derived no 
little pleasure and profit from the purchase and study of Mss. and 
books which they stored in their libraries. All houses had their 

24 Howard Household Books (Collier), 107, 116, 142, 145, 207, 216, 294, 
336, 340, etc. 

25 Northumberland Household Bool;, 339, 341. 

26 MSS. of the DuJce of Rutland, 4, 504, 514, 523, etc. 

27 Northumberland Household Boole, 46 et seq. 

28 Mss. of Lord Middleton, 397. 



509] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 235 

libraries, and some castles had several ; Leckinfield, for example, 
one of the fortified residences of the 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, contained two libraries reserved for his Grace, one of them 
probably a little cabinet, as it is described as having been "over 
the Chapell Dour," and my Lady's library. To all of these 
rooms fuel allowances were made in winter, even when his Grace 
wasn't abiding at the castle. The large library of Earl Percy 
was probably tastefully embellished for its day; the industrious 
and observant Leland, who described the Castle in his Itinerary, 
says that several of the apartments were inscribed on the walls 
or the roofs, and among the rooms so decorated was the earl's 
library; "The Proverbis in the Roufe of my Lordis Library at 
Lekyngfelde" contained twenty stanzas of four lines, of which 
the following, with its budget of sage advice is one : — 

To every tale geve thou no credens. 
Prove the cause, or thou gyve sentens. 
Agayn the right make no dyffens 
So hast thou a clene Consciens. 29 

Regarding the purchase of books, B rath wait's advice to noble- 
men in the matter is interesting as reflecting the taste of a con- 
temporary cultured gentleman, and probably of noblemen them- 
selves, as he evidently founded most of what he said upon ob- 
servation of actual conditions. He is writing concerning the 
keeping of books of payments, which he would have divided into 
different categories to suit different purchases made, and one of 
these categories should be "Bookes bought" — "Vnder this 
title," he goes on, "are to be set downe all bookes, papers, 
parchement, wax, standishes, Inkehornes, Inkepottes, Inkedust, 
and boxes, Incke, Pennes, and Quilles, etc. And here I doe wish 
the Earle not to be sparing of his purse, but to have a faire Li- 
brary, furnished with bookes both of Divinitye and Philosophy, 
Astrology, Cosmography, Lawe, Arte of Warr, Heraldry; but 
especially to be furnished with bookes Historicall, both concern- 
ing the Church, and also all Countryes and Commonwealthes, 
with Globes, Cards, and Mappes; and, as leasure will serve, to 
exercise himselfe in reading and perusing of them. ' ' 30 

As a. matter of fact there was a good deal of book-buying 

29 Northumberland Household Book, 461-462. 
so Brathwait, 49. 



236 THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [510 

among the noblemen, as their household books, inventories of 
goods, and catalogues of libraries will attest. Sir William Fair- 
fax, who lived in the latter half of the 16th century, left, among 
the inventories of his other household goods "A note of all my 
Bookes Remayning at Gillinge. " The little catalogue lists some 
thirty-nine volumes classified by their owner into three groups — 
"Latten," "ffrench" and "Inglish. " The titles may not have 
constituted the complete library at this one residence — Grilling, 
but even if they did, they were sufficiently interesting, and cast 
a very pleasant light on the gentler interests of this illustrious 
heir of a famous house. 

The different works cover a variety of subjects ; those in Latin 
included the Meditations of St. Augustine, a New Testament, 
the Biblia Magna Jeronomi, together with the latter 's Promptu- 
arium, some Chronicles, and a work entitled Praedium Rusticum. 
The French works were more numerous and varied — Livy, Taci- 
tus, Caesar's Commentaries, Svetone Tranquille de la vie des xij 
Caesars, Machiavelli 's Discourses, the Philocopius of Boccaccio, 
"Le tierce part de Afrique," "La description de tous les Pays- 
Bas, ' ' and then, amidst this solid stuff of the ages — " Le guidon 
des parens en instruccon de leurs E (enfants?)," Le Peregrin, 
and last, but probably by no means least, in the estimate of some 
of the members in the household anyhow, an exceedingly popular 
book "Le Thresor des livres Damades de Gaull" and "Le dis 
l me Livre Damadis de Gaule. " Among the English titles were 
the classics Plutarch, Froissart, Chaucer and Hollinshed, to- 
gether with a curious assortment including "Sir Roger Williams' 
booke, " probably "A Brief Discourse of War" by the famous 
Welsh soldier, chiefly of Low Country fame — a work simply 
styled "Appian," doubtless the History of Appian of Alex- 
andria — a famous controversial work of the day, Fulke's Testa- 
ment, entered in his catalogue by Fairfax as "Fulks answere to 
Rehms testament," the meaning of which becomes apparent on 
noting the complete title of the old book — ' ' The Text of the 
New Testament of Jesus Christ, translated out of the Vulgar 
Latine by the Papists of the traiterous Seminarie at Rhemes 
. . . with a confutation of all such arguments, Glasses, and 
Annotations, as conteine manifest impietie." London, 1589.; a 
work called "The French Academy," John Nichols pilgrimage, 



511] SOME DIVERSIONS IN THE HOUSEHOLD 237 

and then the quaint titles "A perfect plote of a hope garden." 
"A summons for slepers," "Pathway to Martiall disciplyne," 
"A booke of hawkyn," "A Register of all the gentlemens arms 
yn great chamber, ' ' and some others difficult to identify. 31 

A far more interesting and important collection than this just 
noted, was the splendid library of Mss. and printed books, as- 
sembled by Lord William Howard at his principal residence 
Naworth Castle. Howard was a writer and an antiquarian of 
ability; when a young man he published an edition of Florence 
of Worcester's Chronicle which he dedicated to Lord Burgh- 
ley; 32 he was the personal friend and co-worker of Cotton and 
Camden, and certainly an indefatigable lover and collector of 
books. The catalogues of Mss. which he had at Naworth em- 
brace sixty-five titles of works on a variety of subjects, many 
written in Latin — poetry, history, biography, works on legal 
and medical subjects, on heraldry, family documents, miscel- 
laneous pieces like ' ' A Declaration of the Receipts of the Treas- 
ury of England from Mich. 1604 to Easter following," political 
writings like "Arguments for Ship money; Pro. and Con." and 
a mass of theological and religious writing. Many of these man- 
uscripts probably were beautifully executed too, for after some 
of their titles the cataloguer has written "Liber elegans et or- 
natus. " In addition to this large collection of Mss., now long 
since scattered, a catalogue of books and Mss. also owned by this 
remarkable man, and still preserved at Naworth, contains two 
hundred and forty-two titles of works on theological, contro- 
versial, historical, legal, classical and miscellaneous subjects, the 
entire catalogue filling some seventeen large octavo pages. 33 

Information of this same sort could be gleaned from most 
household account books ; for book and Mss. buying and reading 
were much practised interests among the noblemen of the Tudor 
period. It is very noteworthy also, that many of books which 
noblemen bought were by contemporary writers, so that if all 
noblemen read as carefully as Lord William Howard's annotated 
pages proclaim that he did, they must have been an alert and 
well-informed part of the population. 

3i Catalogues, etc., in Archaeologia, 48-1, 152-153. 

32 HouseJwld Boolcs of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, Preface, 
Ixii. 

33 Ibid., 470 et seq. 



238 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [512 

With these very brief notes on a subject well worthy of a com- 
plete and careful study, I bid farewell to, my noble householders 
and their faithful book-keepers. How widely, I wonder, have I 
mistaken their ancient doings ! This I can affirm, that my study 
of their household accounts, which reflect so faithfully their do- 
mestic life in all its interesting phases, has bred in me a very 
great admiration, nay, a warm feeling of affection for the once 
vigorous and ever illustrious men of the Tudor Nobility, truly a 
stalwart and a mighty race! Despite this, though, I alas! like 
my beloved friend Richard Brathwait, would gladly consign my 
painful work to a well-deserved oblivion, fearfully, out-of-hand, 
as he attempted to do in his very self-abnegating coda, winding 
up his remarkable little treatise: "As in the beginning I pro- 
tested I had neither president nor recorde to followe, so doe I 
now further affirme (and that moste truly e) that in my time I 
have not seene any, and so may you guesse by this my worthlesse 
worke, which is so harsh and unpleasante that I thincke you will 
be as weary in the reading as I of the writing, but if you be, 
blame yourself e; for as I entend not to maintaine errours com- 
mitted, noe more will I excuse faultes escaped, and as it is pri- 
vate for yourself so make it not publicke to my disgrace. " ! 34 



3* Brathwait, 50. 



APPENDIX A 



SIR THOMAS LOVELL'S SERVANTS IN 1522 

(Extracts from Household Accounts, Hist. Mss. Com., Mss. of 
the Duke of Rutland, vol. 4, pp. 260-262.) 

Among the chief officials are a Receiver, an ' ' out Steward ' ' of 
all the lands in York, a house Steward, an Auditor, and with 
these one ' ' Robert Roth, of Endf eld, esquy re, reteigned of coun- 
cell, ' ' who was hired for that year at least. 

Chapleyns — 

Sir Cuthbert Lyghtefote, prest 

Sir Henry Sperke, prest 



Sir Henry Smyth, prest 

Geivtylmen Wayters — ■ 

(There are ten named.) 

"Offycers" 

Clerke of the kechyn 

Toman of the celler 

Ussher of the hall 

Yoman of the botry — 2 

Catour 

Yoman of the lardour 

Cooke — 3 

Squyllyon 

Harsteller (ostler) 

Tumour of the broches 

Keper of the garner 

Baker — 3 

Brewer 

Underbrewer 

Yoman of your warderobe 

Grome of the warderobe 

Portour 

Slawterman and maker of your tal- 

ow candelles for lightes 
Keper of your wodde and coole 
Yomen wayters — 16 



Servantes exercising their faculteis - 

Fawkener — 2 

Hunte (huntsman) 

Warner (warrener) 

Orgonpleyer 

Keper of the beiberne and sumpter- 

hors 
Keper of your gardeyn 
Carpenter 
Joynour 
Browderer 
Armourer 
Carpetmaker 
Hedgeer 
Cowper 
Mylner 
Shepperde 

Keper of the Deyery groundes 
Attending on the children — 1 
Wafermaker 
Horsekepers — 6 
Carters and laborers — 7 
Keper of the deyery and her 2 ser- 

vauntes, lawnderers 
Keper of the pulletrye 
A t Haliwell — 
Margaret Fisher, keeper of your 

place there 
Nicholas Bemond, gardner. 



239 



240 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[514 



SERVANTS OF THE EARL OF RUTLAND IN 1539 



Op. cit., p. 296 et seq. 



Treasorer 

Comptroller 

Gentylwomen wayters — 6 regularly 

and 3 others at times 
Chapelyns — 4, and in two quarters 

1 other 
Fyzytyon — Doctor Gwynne (name 

cancelled in this quarter; in the 

3 other quarters without any fee). 
Potycarea — Maister (blank in all 

quarters) . 
Secretores — 1 
Gentylmen Ussers — 2 
Gentylmen Waters — 9 and 1 added 

in 3 quarters. 
Scole Masters — 1 
Clerks of the Kichen — 3, and in 3 

quarters — 2. 
Yeomen Ushers — ■ 2 
Yemen Waters of the Chambur — 8 
Gromes of the Chamber — 5 
Seller — 2 
Pantre — 2 
Buttre — 3, at times. 
Ewerye — 1 

Ussers of the Halle — 2 
Warderope — 5 
Mynstrelles — 2 
Porters — 2 
Bakers — 5, apparently not all on 

at once. 
Bruers — 3, not all at one time. 



Stable — 7, not all at once. 

Yemen Cokes — 2 

Gromes of the Kichen — 4 

Lardermen — 2 

Aumers — ■ 1 (Almoners) 

Scullerye — 1 

Gardyners — 2 

(Armerers — 1) 

Huntes — 1 

Caters — 1 

Waryners — 1 (warreners) 

Kepers of Hay — 2 

Slaughtermen — 1 

(Smythe — 1) 

Cowpers 

Sheperdes — 3 

Bargemen — 1 

Women of the Laundre — 5 

Dare Women — 1 

Pultre Women 

Kepers of Hallywell — 1 

Kepers of Pastures — 3 

Myllers — 1 

Maser Seowrers — 2 (Mazers, 

wooden bowls) 
Joners — 2 (joiners) 
(Water drawers — 1) 
(Glaysers — 2) 

(Carpynters — 1, and servant) 
(Carters — 2) 
(Tillers — 1) 
(Surgyons — 1) 



SUMMARY OF RICHARD BERTIE'S HOUSEHOLD IN 

1560-62 

Extracts from his Household Books, printed in Hist. Mss. Com. 
Report on the Mss. of the Earl of Ancaster, 1907, pp. 459-60. 

The Master; his Lady, the Countess; the Children — Mr. 
Peregrine and Mistress Susan, and the Lady Elinor. Among 
the servants were the following : Steward, Comptroller, Preach- 



515] SUMMARY OP HENRY EARL 241 

er, Cofferer, A Master of Horses, Gentlemen Ushers, Gentlemen 
Waiters, Clerk of the Provisions, Father Fryer — yeoman of the 
Cellar, Anthony Pigott — butler, A Pantler, yeomen ushers, 
grooms, yeomen of the wardrobe, cooks, children of the kitchen, 
Grooms of the stable, gentlemen servants and a number of gen- 
tlemen, and women servants. 

SUMMARY OF HENRY EARL OF WORCESTER'S 
SERVANTS 

(From a description by an old servant, written in 1694, ". . . to 

the best of my personal remembrance. ' ' Hist. Mss. Com., 

12th Report, Pt. 9, pp. 5 et seq. 

Steward, the Duke's Tutor, Comptroller, Auditor and Secre- 
tary, Master of Horse. His gentlemen waiters and pages. His 
Clerk of the Kitchen, and Yeomen Officers of the house — Groom 
of the Chamber, Ushers of the Hall, etc. ( This list is necessarily 
incomplete, for it is compiled from this old servant's description 
of the way dinner used to be served in the house, and his em- 
phasis is not on the servants.) 



APPENDIX B 

THE ESSENTIAL SERVANTS IN THE HOUSEHOLD OF 
A NOBLEMAN 

as seen in "A Breviate Touching the Order and Government of a 
Nobleman's House," etc. 1605. Archaeologia xiii, pp. 315 et seq. 

The head officers are Steward, Comptroller, Surveyor, Re- 
ceiver, and Auditor. In the rank and file are the Gentleman 
Usher, the Gentleman of the Horse, a Learned Steward, the Clerk 
of the Kitchen, Yeoman Usher of the Great Chamber, and one of 
the Hall, and the other customary Yeomen — Ewery, Cellar, 
Pantry, Buttery, Wardrobe, Horse, Caskes, Larder, Garner, Yeo- 
man Porter, Baker, Brewer, Yeoman of the Scullery, and finally, 
a Cator, or Caterer, and a Slaughterman. This list is also in- 
complete for there is no mention of cooks, for example. 



242 



APPENDIX C 
OF BREADS USED BY THE ENGLISH NOBILITY 

Harrison describes the English Breads of his day as follows: 
' ' The bread through out the land is made of such graine as the 
soile yeeldeth, neuerthelesse the gentilitie commonlie prouide 
themselues sufficientlie of wheat for their owne tables, whilest 
their household and poore neighbours in some shires are inforeed 
to content themselues with rie, or barleie, yea and in time of 
dearth manie with bread made either of beans, peason, or otes, 
or of altogither and some acornes among, of which scourge the 
poorest does soonest tast, sith they are least able to prouide of 
better. . . Of bread made of wheat we haue sundrie sorts, 
dailie brought to table, whereof the first and most excellent is 
the mainchet, which we commonlie call white bread . . . 
and our good workemen deliuer commonlie such proportion, that 
of the flower of one bushell with another they make fortie cast 
of manchet, of which euerie lofe weigheth eight ounces into the 
ouen, and six ounces out, as I haue been informed. The second 
is the cheat or wheaton bread, so named bicause the colour therof 
resembleth the graie or yellowish wheat, being clean e and well 
dressed, and out of this is the coursest of the bran (vsuallie 
called gurgeons or pollard) taken. The raueled is a kind of 
cheat bread also, but it reteineth more of the grosse, and lesse of 
the pure substance of the wheat: and this being more sleightlie 
wrought vp, is vsed in the halles of the nobilitie, and gentrie 
onelie, whereas the other either is or should be baked in cities & 
good townes of an appointed size (according to such price as the 
corne dooth beare) and by a statute prouided by king Iohn in 
that behalfe. The raueled cheat therfore is generallie so made 
out of one bushell of meale, after two and twentie pounds of bran 
sifted and taken from it (wherevnte they ad the gurgeons that 
rise from the manchet) they make thirtie cast, euerie lofe weigh - 

243 



244 . THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [518 

ing eighteen ounces into the ouen and sixteene ounces out ; and 
beside this they so handle the matter that to euerie bushell of 
meale they ad onelie two and twentie or three and twentie pound 
of water, washing also in some houses there corne before it go to 
the mill, whereby their manchet bread is more excellent in colour 
and pleasing to the eie, than otherwise it would be. The next 
sort is named browne bread of the colour, of which we haue two 
sorts, one baked vp as it cometh from the mill, so that neither the 
bran nor the floure are anie whit diminished. . . The other 
hath little or no floure at all, . . . and it is not onlie the 
woorst and weakest of all the other sorts, but also appointed in 
old time for seruants, slaues, and the inferiour kind of people to 
feed vpon. Herevnto likewise, bicause it is drie and brickie in 
the working (for it will hardlie be made vp handsomelie into 
loaues) some adde a portion of rie meale in our time, wherby the 
rough drinesse or the drie roughness therof is somewhat quali- 
fied, & then it is named misclin, that is, bread made of mingled 
corne, albeit that diuerse doo sow or mingle wheat & rie of set 
purpose at the mill, or before it come there, and sell the same at 
the markets vnder the aforesaid name/' — Holinshed, Vol. 1, 
pp. 283-284. 

In 1469, George, Duke of Clarence issued the following rule to 
his bakers: "ITEM, It is appoynted that there be in the bake- 
house a yeoman, a groome, and a page ; and that they bake daily, 
. . . payne-mayneys at every second daye, manchete brede 
and rounde brede for housholde, proportionably to the 1 numbyr 
of the same; and that they make of every bushell of whete xxx 
lofes, weyinge to the ovyn xxx ounces, and well baken xxviii 
ounces of goode paste ; and halfe that weight for small breade for 
leyvereyes; takinge alweye twoe payne-maynes, and twoe man- 
chettes, for the lofe ; and that they be ready to bake brede for 
horses and houndes, the branne alweye reserved to that use of 
the said Duke; alsoe, that the seid brede be wayed in the count- 
ing-house, as of te as it shall be nedeful ; and if the weights or the 
paste be not sufficiaunte, then the tresspassoures to be punished 
after theire desertes. ' ' — Household Ordinances, pp. 91-92. 

In the latter half of the 16th century, Edward, Earl of Der- 
by 's bread receipts were these : — 



519] ESSENTIAL SERVANTS OF A NOBLEMAN 245 

"BREADE viz. 

' ' Of a Pecke of Wheate & lieke quantitie of Barly mingled to- 

Of a Pecke of Wheat & lieke quantitie of Barly mingled to- 
gether there is made of household breade xxxti caste conteyning 
threescore loffes. IT'M of every mette of fyne wheate made in 
Manchetts there is fyve score coste of manchets conteyning ten- 
score manchettes. 
"DREDGE viz. 

' ' Of every Windle or mette of wheate baken in grate loffes for 
Dredge to the Kitchen there is made Sixe loffes." — Stanley 
Papers, Part 2, p. 12. 

In 1512, the Earl of Northumberland ordered "horse-bread" 
baked from beans, one quarter of which made one hundred and 
seventy-two loaves. His bread for household was made after 
the following proportions : — " ITEM it is Ordered ande Agreide 
by my Lorde his Heed Officers ande Counsaill that the Baker 
shall Aunswarr my Lorde of every Quarter of Wheet in Man- 
chetts DCXL after ij Maunchetts to a Loof Of household Breed 
cciiij score ande of Trenchor Breed cciiij score bicause the Loofs 
of the Trenchor Breed be larger than the Loofs of Household 
Breed." — Northumberland Household Book, pp. 122-123, 134. 

Richard Brathwait describes the duties of the Yeoman Baker 
thus : ' ' The Yeoman Baker should be skilfull in his occupation, 
to make his manchet and bonnes white, light, well seasoned, and 
crusted; his sippet breade in high loaves, set in the oven close 
together, that on the sides they may have little or noe crust, and 
as small bottomes and toppes as may be, for they are to be cutt 
into sippets and to dredge meat withall, the crustes onely serve 
to increase the Pantlers fees. He is to make cheate bread of 
three sortes; fine cheat, middle cheate, and course cheate; every 
of these is to be well leavened, kneaded, moulded, and baked: 
for if the baker will not take paines in his kneading and mould- 
ing, though the Corne be good, the bread will be nought. He 
and the groome must be skilfull and carefull in heating the 
Ovens, for if they be either too hott or too slacke, the paines they 
have taken in kneading and moulding, by the ill baking, will be 
disgraced. . ." — Brathwait, op. cit., pp. 36-37. 



APPENDIX D 
FRESH ACATES 

In 1512, the Earl of Northumberland provided for the pur- 
chase throughout the year of the following "cates" or "Fresh 
Acates" — 

Capon, pigs, geese, chickens, hens, pidgeons, conies, swans, 
plovers, crains, heronsews, mallards, teals, woodcocks, wipes, sea- 
gulls, stints, quails, snipes, partridges, redshanks, bitterns, feas- 
ants reys, scolards, kerlews, peacocks, wild-fowls, sea-pies, 
wegions, knots, dotterells, bustard, terns, great birds, small birds, 
larks, bacon flicks, eggs and milk. — Ilouselwld Book, 102-108. 

Fresh Acates at Wallaton in 1523, included the following 
items : — 

Fish, including conger and porpoise, river fish, mussels, cock- 
els, oysters, crabs, mustard, bread, honey, raisins, figs, almonds, 
eggs, chickens, sparrows, vinegar, wine, ale, pigeons, capons, 
wood-cocks, etc. — Mss. of Lord Middleton, 362. 

In 1612, Lord William Howard of Na worth, purchased the 
following cates, his purchases running right through the year : — 

Fowls, eggs, salmon, moorcock, mallards, stockdoves, black- 
cock, hares, woodcock, pigs, herrings, cockles, leeks, trout, 
shrimps, thornbacks, fresh cod, lobster, crabs, lambs, veal head 
and feet, kid, a side of mutton, teals, sturgeon, curlew, throsells, 
butter, geese, seal, plovers, lapwings, ducks, porpoise, young 
salmon, flounders, whitings, eels, turbot, bret (a fish like turbot), 
ringdoves, sheldrakes, wimeons, teal, dowcker, godwits, red- 
shanks, sea-pies, cheese, etc. — Household Books of Lord William 
Howard, 20 et seq. 



246 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ordinances and Household Regulations 

Banks, Joseph. A breviate touching the order and govern- 
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Society of Antiquaries by Joseph Banks, and printed in 
Archaeologia, XIII, 315-389. This document, dated 1605, is 
unsigned, and the only clue to its origin lies in the words of 
the author at the end of the piece — ' ' These f ewe notes within 
written I have thought good to sett doune for the better under- 
standinge of such as have not bine acquanted therwith, though 
to moste good husbands, with many other secrets, they bee 
better knowne than I ether cann or will take upon me to ex- 
press. " The treatise is divided into three parts: the first nar- 
rates the functions of all the servants ; the second is a complete 
list of provisions and menus for an entire year, while the third 
contains general instructions about management — farming 
details, etc., addressed particularly to Officers like the Steward 
and the Master of the Horse. It is very satisfactory and full, 
and must have been written by an experienced man. 

Brathwait, Richard. Some rules and orders for the govern- 
ment of the house of an earle. London, 1821. This is the 
eighth tract in the Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana. The Avork 
of the poet and man of letters, Richard Brathwait, this little 
treatise of fifty printed pages displays a remarkable acquaint- 
ance with the details of household management on the part of 
the author, though it is not apparent from his biography that 
Brathwait was ever in service. Affirming that he wrote it at 
the request of a friend, and that he had "neither President 
nor Recordes ' ' to help his memory, he describes in lively, naive 
fashion, the characters of the Officers and servants in a house- 
hold, interspersing his criticisms on Church and State, and on 

247 



248 THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN [522 

manners and customs, in a delightful way. He was, he says, 
above three-score years of age when he wrote the piece, and 
according to one of his biographers, it was not printed during 
Brath wait's life. The author was born in 1588 and died in 
1673. See, for an interesting account of the man and his 
work, the Barnabae Itinerarium, new edition, revised, by W. 
C. Hazlitt, London, 1876. 

Burghley, William Cecil, Lord. Precepts or directions for 
the well ordering and carriage of a man's life. Printed in 
Peck, Desiderata Curiosa. London, 1731. 

Clarence, George, Duke of. Household ordinances, A. D. 
1469. From a copy in the library of the Society of Anti- 
quaris. This is the sixth document printed in "A collection 
of ordinances and regulations of the royal household. . ." 
Printed for the Society of Antiquaries under the supervision 
of the Rev. Dr. Lort, Mr. Gough, Mr. Topham and Mr. Brand. 
London, 1790. A very interesting document containing both 
ordinances and household expenses. Cited as Royal House- 
hold Ordinances. 

Derby, James Stanley, 7th Earl op. Private devotions and 
miscellanies. Edited, with a prefatory memoir and appendix 
of documents, by the Rev. Canon Raines, M.A., F.S.A., for 
the Chetham Society. London, 1841. (Part 3, vol. 3 of the 
Stanley Papers.) See p. 24, note. 

Northumberland, Henry Percy, 9th Earl op. Instructions to 
his son, Algernon Percy, touching the management of his 
estate, officers, &c, written during his confinement in the 
Tower. Communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by James 
Haywood Markland, Esq., and printed in Archaeologia, 
XXVII, 306-358. "These instructions were transcribed by 
Mr. Malone from a Mss. preserved in the library at Pet- 
worth. . . They form the 2nd of three treatises, all of 
which were written by Henry Earl of Northumberland, and 
addressed to his son. The first, written in 1595, consists of 
thirty-three pages, and is without a title ; but we may gather 
from the introductory paragraph of the following paper, that 
its object was similar to the present one: . . ." This doc- 
ument is dated according to Malone, 1609. There are good 
notes and an historical introduction. 



523] BIBLIOGRAPHY 249 

Wolsey, Thomas. An Order ... to lymitt John Earle of 
Oxenford in the orderinge of his expenses of Household . . . 
(etc.). Communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by Mr. 
Henry Ellis, and printed in Archaeologia, XIX, 62-65. 

Household Books 

Bertie, Hi chard (Lord Willoughby). Selections from the 
household accounts of, (1560-1562). Selected and edited from 
the Mss. at Grimsthrope House, by Mrs. S. C. Lomas. Hist. 
Mss. Comm., 1907. Cited Grimsthorpe House Papers. 

Derby, Edward and Henry, Earls op. Household Books of, to- 
gether with a diary containing the names of the guests who 
visited the latter Earl at his Houses in Lancashire: by the 
Comptroller William ffarington, Esq. Edited by the Rev. F. 
R. Raines, for the Chetham Society, Manchester, 1853. (Be- 
ing the 2nd part of the Stanley Papers.) The accounts cover 
parts of the years from 1561-1590. 

Fairfax, Sir William. Selections from the household books of, 
(1571-1582). Edited from the Mss. of Sir George Wombwell, 
Newburgh Priory, Yorkshire, by Mrs. S. C. Lomas. Hist. Mss. 
Comm. (In Report on the Mss, in various collections, 2, 
67-86.) 

Howard, Lord William (op Naworth Castle). Selections 
from the household books of, Selected and edited, with an ap- 
pendix containing some of his papers and letters, and other 
documents illustrative of his life and times, by Rev. George 
Ornsby, Surtees Society, London, 1878. The household books 
preserved are twelve in number, falling between the years 
1612-1640. Those for the years 1612 and 1633 are presented 
entire in this volume. The work is nicely edited with careful 
introduction and notes and a full index. 

Norfolk, John Howard, 1st Duke op. Accounts and Memori- 
als, A. D. 1462-1471. Edited by T. Hudson Turner, Rox- 
burgh^ Club, London, 1841. This is the last and longest part 
of the Manners and Household Expenses of England, being 
pp. lxxv-xcii and 149-621 of that work. It consists of the 
household and other expenses, some letters, etc., of Lord John 
Howard. There is a good introduction, but few notes and 
no index. 



250 the household of a tudor nobleman [524 

Norfolk, John, Duke of, and Thomas, Earl of Surrey. 
Household books of, Temp. 1481-1490. Edited from the origi- 
nal Mss. in the library of the Society of Antiquaries, London, 
by John P. Collier, Roxburghe Club, London, 1844. There is 
a good historical introduction and useful notes. 

North, Lord. Extracts from the household charges of, Selec- 
tions communicated to the Society of Antiquaries, by William 
Stevenson, Esq., of Norwich, and printed in Archaeologia, 
XIX, 283-301. (Extracts from 1575-1581.) 

Northumberland, Henry Argernon Percy, 5th Earl of. The 
Regulations and Establishment of the household of, Edited by 
T. P. (Thomas Percy). London, 1827. This household book, 
nicely edited with a preface and notes, is the best and most 
complete picture of the household as an organization which I 
have been able to find. 

Roxburghe, Robert, 1st Earl of. Selections from the house- 
hold books of, Selected and edited from the Mss. of the Duke 
of Roxburghe. Hist Mss. Comm., 14th Report, Pt. 3, 1894. 

Rutland, Earls of. Selections from the household accounts of 
Sir Thomas Lovell and the, (1523-1699). Selected and edited 
by Sir H. Maxwell Lyte and Mr. W. H. Stevenson, from the 
Mss. of the Duke of Rutland. Hist, Mss, Comm., vol. 4, 260- 
573, London, 1905. 

Willoughbys, of Wallaton. Extracts from the household 
books of, (1509-1603). Edited by W. S. Stevenson. Hist. 
Mss. Comm., 1911. Cited Lord Middleton's Mss. 

Miscellaneous Material 

Austin, Thomas. Two fifteenth century cookery books. Ed- 
ited by Thomas Austin. Early English Text Society. Lon- 
don, 1888. Has foreword, glossary, some notes and an index. 

Brooke, Mr. The ceremonial of making the king's bed. Ex- 
tracted from an original manuscript from the library of Henry 
Duke of Norfolk. Communicated to the Society of Anti- 
quaries by Mr. Brooke, and printed in Archaeologia, IV, 311- 
314. (Entire piece incorporated.) 

Fairfax, Sir William and Sir Thomas. Inventories made for, 
Printed in Archaeologia, 48-1, 121-156. 

Purnivall, Frederick J. Ffor to serve a lord. Printed in 



525] BIBLIOGRAPHY 251 

Manners and meals in olden time. Early English Text So- 
ciety. London, 1868. (Entire piece incorporated.) 

Harrison, William. An historicall description of the iland of 
Britaine. Holinshed's Chronicles, 1, London, 1807. 

Harrison, William. Description of England. Edited by Fred- 
erick J. Furnivall. New Shakespeare Society. London, 1877. 
Series VI., Nos, 1, 5 and 6. 

Nuncius, Nicander. Second book of travels. Edited from the 
original Greek Mas., with an English translation, by the Rev. 
J. A. Cramer, D.D. Camden Society, London, 1841. 

Rye, William B. England as seen by foreigners. London, 
1865. 

Sneyd, Charlotte A. A relation, or rather a true account of 
the island of England ; with sundry particulars of the customs 
of these people. About the year 1500. Translated from the 
Italian, with notes, by C. A. Sneyd. Camden Society. Lon- 
don, 1847. Has useful notes. 

Stow, John. Annales, or a generall chronicle of England. 
London, 1631. 

Stubbes, Philip. Anatomy of the abuses in England in Shake- 
speare's youth, A. D. 1583. Edited by Frederick J. Furni- 
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Worcester, Henry, Earl of. Two separate accounts by an old 
servitor of the officers of, Mss. of the Duke of Beaufort. Hist. 
Mss. Comm., 12th Report, 1891. 

SUGGESTTVE SECONDARY WORKS 

Denton, Rev. W. England in the fifteenth century. London, 

1888. 
Hall, Hubert. Society in the Elizabethan age. London, 1888. 
Traill, H. D. and Mann, J. S. Social England. New York 

and London, 1902. See especially sections in volume three, 

by Miss Mary Bateson and Mr. George Saintsbury, and others 

by Miss Bateson in volume four. 
Wright, T. History of domestic manners and sentiments in 

England during the middle ages. London, 1862. 



INDEX 



Abbey, Warden, St. Anne's Gild at, 
201 

Acates (fresh acates or cates), 
meaning of term, 117; purchases 
of, by noblemen, 117; 5th Earl 
of Northumberland's ruling up- 
on, 120 ; summaries of, 246 

Accounts, for household supplies, 86 
et seq.; kept by Gentleman of the 
Horse, 219 

Achator, see Cator 

Adylton, fair, 108, 110 

Ale, 72 ; amount used by Lord North 
at entertainment of Elizabeth, 78; 
mention, 84 

Alexandria, Appian of, 236 

Alicant raisins, 84 

Allhallows, festival, 179; hermit of 
122 

Almonds, 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land's yearly supply of, 80; men- 
tion, 84 

Almoner, the, in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 13; du- 
ties of the, 165, 189, 193; ser- 
vitor, 177 

Alms, dispensed by noblemen, 188 
et seq. • food as, 192 et seq. 

Alms-tub, the, 192, and note 

Altar cloths, 180 

Altar fronts, 181 

Altar hangings, 180 

Americas, fruits from the, 73 

Amet, John, the bed of, 208 

Anchorite, gifts to a female, 201 

Anchovies, 73, 79 

Andrewe, Lawrence, 6S-69 

"Andulees," 74 

Anise powder, 81 



Ansley, 103 

Antiphonary, 180, and note 

Apples, 73 

' ' Arming, ' ' of the Carver, etc., 157- 

158 
Armorer, wages in household of 5th 

Earl of Northumberland of the, 

53 
Armorers, duties of the, 215-216 
Armory, children on duty in, 14; 

Yeomen and Groom of the, 21 ; of 

noblemen, 213 et seq. 
Arras, care of the, 81 ; stores of, 

owned by noblemen, 206 
Arras-man, wages in household of 

5th Earl of Northumberland of 

the, 53 
Arras-mender, servitor, 14, and note, 

16 
Arrows, "dressing" of, 215-216 
Artichokes, 72 
Arundell, Earl of, Instructions of, 

to his son, 32-33 
Ascension day, fair on, 108 
Ascension eve, festival, 179 
Aspinowle, William, 15 
Assay, the food, 159, 160 
Assignment, an official, for house- 
hold supplies, 87 
Audit, the Surveyor at, 137; the 

declaration of the, 144 et seq. 
Auditor, household officer, 15, 17, 

21, 135, and note; his functions, 

136 and note, 137, 143 
Aukes, as food, 67 
Avenar, the Clerk, 15, and note, 132; 

his functions, 133 
Bachelor Knights, 220 
Bacon, a staple food, 70, 78, 83 



252 



527] 



INDEX 



253 



Badges, for servants, 9, 59 

Bailiffs, under the Steward, 103 ; 
rental books for the, 137 

Bakehouse, children on duty in, 14; 
fuel regulations by 5th Earl of 
Northumberland for his, 89 

Bakers, servitors, 16, 18; the fees 
of, 57, 58; temptations before the 
Yeomen, 58; surveillance of, by 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 90, 
91; the brevements of, 131, 134; 
duties of the Yeomen, 245 

Balm, water of, 82 

Bandora, the, 232 

Barberries, 73 

Barbican, residence of Lord Wil- 
loughby in the, 223 

Barley, year's supply of, for Earl 
of Rutland, 84; mention, 95 

Barnacles, as food, 67 

"Bayninge, " a bird, as food, 67 

Bay salt, 81, 84 

Beans, 72 

Bear wards, 230 

Beef, as staple food, 71; yearly sup- 
ply of, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 80; regulations for buy- 
ing, for 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 111; yearly supply of, for 
Earl of Rutland, 83; source of 
supply of, for Earl of Rutland, 
103, 111 

Beer, 72; amount used weekly, by 
Henry, Earl of Derby, 77-78; 
amount used by Lord North for 
entertainment of Elizabeth, 78 ; 
average daily consumption of, 80; 
on the livery service, 152 ; at Len- 
ten breakfasts, 180 

Bedding, care of the, 203 ; amount 
and kinds used, 204 et seq. ; re- 
moval of, at change of residence, 
225, 226 

Bed rooms, care of the, 202-203 ; du- 
ties of servitors of, 203 et seq. 

Beds, equipment of the, 204 et seq.; 
ceremony of making, 206 et seq. 



Belvoir, Castle, supplies brought to, 
110 ; entertainment of King James 
at, 122 ; miscellaneous amusement 
at, 230; music at, 232, 234; mus- 
ical instruments at, 233 

Berkley, Lord, players of, 230 

Berners, Lord and Lady, 17 

Bertie, Richard (Lord Willoughby), 
size of household of, in 16th cen- 
tury, 10; rewards to servants by, 
37-38; his interest in education 
of his servants, 42-43 ; food gifts 
received by, 121; Surveyor does 
charity for, 138; financial advice 
to, by one of his servitors, 146- 
147, his alms, 190, armory of, 
214-215; residence of, 223; miscel- 
laneous diversions of, 229-230; 
summary of household of, in 1560- 
1562, 240-241 

Beskpark, 103 

Betonica, water of, 82 

Biblia Magna Jeronomi, the, 236 

Bill, an official, for fuel regulation, 
87-88, and note; of provision "re- 
mainder, ' ' 102 ; for swans, 105, 
note; for entertainment costs, 170- 
171 

Billet wood, 88 

Bills, of 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, for servant control, 45 et 
seq. 

Bingham fair, 108 

Birds, as food, 66 et seq.; Mussett's 
receipts for preparing, 67 et seq.; 
Harrison on, as food, 69 ; num- 
ber consumed at Lord North's en- 
tertainment of Elizabeth, 78-79 

' ' Bird-taker, ' ' servitor, 19 

Birmingham fair, 108 

Bishops, gentlemen trained in house- 
holds of, 32-33 

Biskwood Park, 103 

Bittern, receipt for preparing, 67; 
as food, 79 

Blackstone, Sir Ralph, Steward to 
Henry, Earl of Worcester, 27, note 



254 



THE HOUSEHOLD OE A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[528 



7 



Blanch powder, 81 

"Blonkett," a bird, as food, 67 

Blyant, Steward to Lord John How- 
ard, 55 

Board end, the, 13, and note; waiter 
for the, 150 

Boccaccio, the Philocopius of, 236 

Boleyn, Anne, 33 

Booke of hawkyn, a, 237 

Books, purchase of, by noblemen, 
234 et seq. 

Boston, Gild of Our Lady of, 201; 
household supplies bought at, 111 

Bowling alleys in gardens of no- 
blemen, 220, 221 

Bows, the "dressing" of, 215 

"Box," the, for gaming, in the 
Hall, 56; in the withdrawing 
room, 56 

Braksted, fair, 109 

Bran, fee of the Bakers, 57, 58 

Branson, 103 

Brass, household supply, 85 

Brass pots, 83 

Brathwait, Eichard, on the model 
household, 20-21; on Gentlemen 
Ushers, 22, 151, 155, 174, 209; 
on the Officers in the household, 
25, 29-30, 102, 107, 113, 138, 141; 
on relatives as Carver and Sewer, 
27-28, 34-35; advice to servants 
about rewards, 40; on care of no- 
blemen, for their servants, 41-42; 
on servants' fees, 57; on fads in 
cookery, 74 et seq.; on the Yeo- 
man purveyor, 110; on the Master 
Cook, 124; on the Auditor and 
Beceiver, 135, note; on the evi- 
dence house, 145-146; on music 
at meals, 175; on the duties of 
the Marshals, 176; on the Chap- 
lain, 181-182, 193; on the import 
of divine service in the household, 
185 et seq. ; on alms giving, 188 ; 
on the bed-room servitors, 203- 
204; on armories, 213 et seq.; on 
the Gentleman of the Horse, 218; 



on gardeners, 220-221; on the 
household musicians, 229, 231-232 ; 
on book-buying, 235; on the Yeo- 
man Baker, 245 

Brawn, a receipt for making, 70, 
note; mention, 83 

Bread, ' ' drippings ' ' of, fees to ser- 
vants, 56; trencher, 57; cheat, 78; 
cast of, 78; manchets, 78; amount 
used by Lord North at entertain- 
ment of Elizabeth, 78; on storage 
of, 114-115; on livery service, 152; 
at Lenten breakfast, 180; order 
of George, Duke of Clarence for 
his, 244; Edward, Earl of Der- 
by's receipt for his, 244-245; 
rules of the 5th Earl of North- 
umberland for, 245; Harrison on 
the English, 243-244 

Breakfast, a Lenten, 180 

Bream, 84, 92, 93 

' ' Breviate, ' ' the, dietary in, 66 et 
seq. 

Brevements, Clerk of the, 15, and 
note; servant check-roll in hands 
of Clerk of, 45-46; duties of 
Clerk of, in connection with pay- 
ing servants, 51, 52; duties of 
Clerk of, in connection with pro- 
visions, 120, 130 et seq.; regula- 
tion for, 134; special, for enter- 
tainments, 171 ; duties of Clerk of, 
at removals, 224 

Preving, monthly, 131 

Brewe, as food, 67 

Brewer, servitor, 18; the 5th Earl 
of Northumberland 's regulation 
for his, 91; brevements of, 131 

Brewers, servitors, 16; temptations 
before, 58; fees of, 58 

Brew-house, the 5th Earl of North- 
umberland's fuel regulation for 
his, 89 

Brewing, interest of Lord John 
Howard in his, 97 

Bridges, benevolences for repair of, 
201 



529] 



INDEX 



255 



Bridles, fees to servants, 56 

Bristow, fair, 107 

Broadcloth, for liveries, 60 

"Broken music," 175 

"Broken wine," use of, 91 

Brooms, household supply, 85 

Buckingham, Edward, Duke of, hos- 
pitality of, 167-168 

Bucks, number consumed at Lord 
North's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78 

Bull-baiting, 230 

Burghley (William Cecil) Lord, ad- 
vice to his son, 24, note, 101, 135, 
171-172 ; noblemen trained in the 
household of, 33-34; on hospital- 
ity, 171-172; ruling of, for divine 
service in his household, 185; pub- 
lic charities of, 187, and note, 
191; charities of, 189, 195; food 
doles of, 193; stables of, 218; his 
garden, at Theobalds, 221 ; resi- 
dences of, 223 

Burghley, residence of Lord Burgh- 
ley, 223 

Bury, St. Edmunds, 200 

Bushey, Mr., page, 15 

Bustard, the, as food, 67, 122; re- 
ceipt for preparing, 67-68; Law- 
rence Andrewe on the, 68 

Butcher, the 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland's wages to his, 53; the 
5th Earl of Northumberland's 
regulation for his, 91 ; brevements 
of the, 131 

Butlers, brevements of the, 134 

Butt, wine measure, 84 
Butter, weekly cost of, to Henry, 
Earl of Derby, 77, 78; mention, 
79 
Buttery, Groom of, 14 ; his service, 
150; Yeoman of, 14, 15; his ser- 
vice, 154; Yeomen of, in the Rid- 
ing Household, 228; Yeoman and 
Groom of, 21 ; supplies stored in, 
114; duties of servants of the, 
114, 157, 161, 163, 165; supply 



rules for servants of, 127; sur- 
veillance of, 130; servants of, at 
table, 153; removal of equipment 
of, at change of residence, 225 

Cabbage, 72 

Cade, fish measure, 80, 83 

CEesar, Commentaries of, 236 

Caister, Castle, the Great Hall in, 
149; equipment of the bed-rooms 
in, 204 et seq. 

Calf's mugget, 74 

Calves, heads and plucks of, as food, 
74; number used weekly in house- 
hold of Henry, Earl of Derby, 77, 
78 ; number consumed at Lord 
North's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78; yearly supply of, for 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 80 

Calvin, John, 182 

Cambridge, University, servants of 
noblemen at, 44-45, note 

Canary Isles, fruits from, 73 

Canary wine, 72 

Candle-man, the, servitor, 16 

Candlemas, festival, 179; offering 
at, 198 

Candles, ends of, fees to servants, 
56-57; yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 82; 
yearly supply of, for Earl of Rut- 
land, 85; offerings "set" in, 198 

Capers, 73, 84 

Capons, 78 

Carleton, John, Receiver to Sir 
Thomas Lovell, 59; work done by, 
140 et seq. 

Carp, 79, 84, 92, 93, 94 

Carpenters, servitors, 16 

Carriages, for removal of household, 
224 et seq. 

Carrots, 72 

Carver, Nobleman's brother as, 27; 
towel for the, 83; duties of the, 
149, 153, 154, 157, 158, 160, 161 
et seq., 173 ; Gentleman of the 
Horse as, 220; in the Riding 
Household, 228 



256 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[530 



Carvers, household servants, 13 

Casks, fees to servants, 56 

Cast, of bread, 78 

Castles, of nobles, sleeping rooms in, 
202 
J Cates (fresh acates), 79 

Cater (Achator, Caterer, etc.), ser- 
vitor, 16, 17-18, 21, 79; 5th Earl 
of Northumberland 's directions 
for his, 106; character and duties 
of the, 117-118 et seq.; 5th Earl 
of Northumberland's ruling for 
the, 120; supervision over, by no- 
blemen, 121 ; at table, 153 

Catory, children on duty in the, 14 

Cauliflower, 72 

Cavendish, on Wolsey's household 
service, 33 

Caviar, 73 

Cellar, Yeoman of the, 14, 15; fees 
of Yeoman of, 56; duties of Yeo- 
man of, 113-114; Yeoman of, at 
the table, 153; place of Yeoman 
of, in the Riding Household, 228 ; 
the Yeoman and Groom of the, 
21; the Groom of the, 14; duties 
of Groom of, 113-114; Groom of, 
at table, 153 ; the supplies in, 113- 
114; plate of the Duke of Suffolk 
in his, 115-116; surveillance of 
the, 130; removal of the equip- 
ment of the, at change of resi- 
dence, 225; supply rules for ser- 
vitors of, 127 

Chamber, the Great, food service in, 
151 et seq.; service for guests in, 
172 et seq. ; Gentleman Usher of 
the, in Eiding Household, 228; 
Ushers of, their functions, 131, 
and note; Usher and Groom of 
the, 21 ; Yeomen of the, 14 ; 
Grooms of the, 14; Grooms of the, 
to Henry, Earl of Derby, 16; 
Grooms of, in the Eiding House- 
hold, 228; Yeomen Ushers of, to 
Edward, Earl of Derby, 15; Yeo- 
men Ushers of, duties, 227 

Chamberlain, the, in household of 



5th Earl of Northumberland, 12 
special food for the, 28-29, 90 
servant wages paid by the, 54 
fuel supply to the 5th Earl of 
Northumberland 's, 89 

Chamber-maids, 21 

Chambers, Yeomen of the, in the 
Eiding Household, 228 

Chandler, brevements of, 131 

Chandlers, dishonesty among, 58 

Chapel, Dean of the, in the house- 
hold of 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 13; an officer by patent, 49; 
servitor, 177 

Chapel, servitors, in household of 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 13; 
Gentlemen of the, 13; equipment 
of the, 181; preparation of, for 
service, 182, 183; children of, as 
players, 231 

Chaplain, the Eiding, 13; Sir Gil- 
bert Towneley, to Henry, Earl of 
Derby, 15; the household, at 
funeral of master, 63 ; offers 
grace at meals, 159 ; his functions, 
181-182, 188, 189, 193; in the 
Eiding Household, 228 

Chaplains, in the household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 13 

Charcoal, 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land's yearly supply of, 81; men- 
tion, 82, 85; manufacture of, 85; 
size of a load of, 85 

Chariot, Groom of the, 14; the 5th 
Earl of Northumberland's, 181 

Charities, of noblemen, 187 et seq.; 
comment on noblemen's, 201; dis- 
pensed by the Surveyor, 138 

Chaucer, works of, 236 

Chawder, measure, 81, and note 

Cheat, bread, 78 

Check-roll, of the 5th Earl of North- 
umberland, 45-47; of Henry, Earl 
of Derby, 47; for guests, 170-171; 
of servants, at removals, 224 

Cheese, Holland, 79; weekly cost of, 
to Henry, Earl of Derby, 77-78 

Chester, Bishop of, 182 



531] 



INDEX 



257 



Chesterfield, fair, 108 

Chickens, 78 

Childermas day, swans for food on, 
105 

Children, servitors in household of 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 14; 
in household of John Howard, 
Duke of Norfolk, 19; in the kit- 
chen service, 123; of Newark, 
players, 230 

"drippings, " bread, fees to ser- 
vants, 56 

Choir, the, of 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 178 et seq. 

Christenings, presents from noble- 
men at servants' children's, 38-39 

Christmas, charcoal burned at, 81; 
swans for food at, 105; entertain- 
ment at, 167; festival, 179; char- 
ity at, 195; play on, 231; music 
at, 234 

Church, music at service in, 182-183 

Cinnamon, 72; supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 80 

Citerne, the, 232 

Citron, 73 

Clarence, George, Duke of, size of 
his household in 1469, 10; reward 
system for the servants of, 39; 
method of paying servants, 50 ; 
yearly servant wages of, 52; year- 
ly cost of household of, 52; regu- 
lations of, for making lard, 58; 
liveries for servants furnished by, 
59; cost of household supplies of, 
yearly, 100; linen purchase of, 
115; acates bought by, 117; menu 
regulation for, 126; supply rule 
of, 127, 128, 129; brevements of, 
134; rule of, for economy, 171; 
rule of, for household service, 184 ; 
rule, for discipline of servants, 
187; charities of, 189; order of, 
for gate "sparring," 194; stable 
department of, 217-218; harbin- 
ger's rules of, 227-228; the Bid- 
ing Household of, 228-229; order 
of, for bread, 244 



Claret, 72, 78, 80, 84, 96, 111 

Clay, Thomas, Auditor to Lord Wil- 
liam Howard, 143 

Clerk of the Closet, 177 

Clerk of the Kitchen, duties of, 224, 
227 

Clerks, number in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 14-15, 
and note; the household, 132-133; 
of the brevements, their duties, 
224 ; in the Riding Household, 228 

Clerk's board, the, 153 

Cloth, furnished to servants, 53, 54; 
some kinds in use, 209 et seq. 

Clothing, supplied to servants, 31, 
37, 59 et seq.; care of a noble- 
man's, 203-204; in the ward-robe 
of Henry, Earl of Stafford, 209 
et seq. 

Cloth-sack, officers of the, 228 

Cloves, yearly supply for 5th Earl 
of Northumberland, 80 ; mention, 
84 

Coachman, servitor, 16, 21 ; the fees 
of the, 56 

Cofferer, officer, 140, and note 

Coffyn, Lady, 122 

Colchester, 110; St. Nicholas Church 
at, 200; gifts to prisoners in 
Castle of, 201; minstrels of, 233 

Coles, Thomas, 60, 61 

Columbine, water of, 82 

Comfit, 81, and note 

Comptroller, officer, 12, 15, 17, 21; 
ffarington, to Edward, Earl of 
Derby, 26; ffoxe, to Henry, Earl 
of Derby, 27; duties of the, 30, 
87, 101 et seq., 107, 112, 118-119, 
120, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129-130, 
132, 133, 134, 135, and note; def- 
erence to, from gentlemen in ser- 
vice, 34-35; Richard Gowge, to 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 102; the 
table of the, 153; the Clerk, 132, 
133 

Cony, a staple food, 71 

Cook, the Master, Brathwait on, 124 ; 
the Breviate on, 124-125; John 



258 



THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[532 



Earle on, 125, note; at table, 153; 
the Yeoman, 14; place and func- 
tions of, 122 et seq.; the Groom, 
place and work of, 122 et seq. 

Cookery, French fads in, 74 et seq. 

Cooks, the French as, 74; Italians 
as, 74; the regulations and duties 
of the, 122 et seq., 130 

Copper, household supply, 84 

Coppet, a measure, 81, and note 

Corpus Christi, festival, 179 

Council, the domestic, 13; officers of, 
by patent, 49 

Counterfeit vessel, 83; use of, 91 

Counting-house, the clerks of the, 
132 

"Counter-tenors," singers, in the 
household of the 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 13 

Courses, of food, 160 et seq. 

Cowden, fair, 109 

Cowslips, water of, 82 

Crab-apples, for verjuice, 104 

Crane, as food, 67, 79; receipt for 
preparing, 68 

Crayfish, Mussett on the, 70; as 
food, 79 

Creeping the Cross, ceremony of, 
198, and note 

Cress, salad, 73 

Cross, Creeping the, 198, and note 

Crowland, Abbot of, 122 

Cucumbers, 72 

Cumberland, deer parks in, of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 105 

Cup-bearer, servitor, 13 ; in the 
Great Chamber service, 150; ser- 
vice of, 157, 158; place in Riding 
Household, 228 

Curlews, as food, 79 

Currants, 72 ; yearly supply of, for 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 80; 
mention, 84 

Dalamar, servant to Lord John How- 
ard, 56 

Damask, 209 et seq. 

Dancing bears, 230 



Dandelion, water of, 82 

Danzig, iron from, 111 

Dates, 72, 84; yearly supply for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland of, 80 

Deeping, 110 

Demesnes, as sources of supplies, 
103 et seq. 

Derby, Earls of, size of household 
of, in 16th century, 10; trouble 
of, with relatives in office, 28; 
officers of, by patent, 49; fees in 
household of, 57; acates bought 
by, 117; hospitality of, 166; em- 
phasis on preaching by, 181, 182; 
residences of, 223 ; changes of res- 
idence by, 223 

Derby, Edward, Earl of, 25-26 ; Gen- 
tlemen in the service of, 31; eulo- 
gy on, by the 7th Earl, 31-32; re- 
wards to servants by, 39; yearly 
servant wages of, 52-53; yearly 
cost of household of, 52-53; pay- 
ments for liveries by, 59 ; kindli- 
ness of, to his servants, 63 ; regu- 
lations of, about supplies, 91-92, 
126; yearly cost of supplies of, 
100; interest of, in his grain sup- 
plies, 112-113; linen purchases by, 
115; kitchen regulation of, 123; 
regulation of, for service, 164; 
rule of, for economy, 171 ; Lenten 
food bought by, 180; charity of, 
195, 197; stable department of, 
218; bread receipt of, 244-245 

Derby, Ferdinando, Earl of, 26 

Derby, Henry, Earl of, household of, 
15-16; mention, 25-26; directions 
of, for Officers' service, 29; Gen- 
tlemen in service of, 31 ; system 
of, for hiring servants, 47; weekly 
food consumption in household of, 
77-78; supply regulation of, 121; 
kitchen service of, 123 ; breve- 
ments of, 134; ruling of, for di- 
vine service in household, 185; 
alms of, 189-190; on duties of 
Officers, 195 



533] 



INDEX 



259 



Derby, James, 7th Earl of, letters 
of, on household management, 24, 
and note, 28, 30-31, 32, 42, 47-48, 
59; on relatives in office, 28; on 
Stewards, 30-31; on rewards to 
servants, 40; on hiring servants, 
47-48; on liveries for servants, 
59; excerpts from the Private De- 
votions of, 177; fondness of, for 
music, 182-183 

Derby, William, Earl of, 183 

Derbyshire, players of, 230 

Dickens, Charles, 76 

Diddapers, as food, 67 

Dinner, Officers' position at, 28; 
making of menus for, 126; ser- 
vants on duty at, 150; hours for, 
152; service at, 152 et seq. 

Discipline, for servants, 185 et seq. 

Dishes, yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 83, and 
note; purchases of, by Lord John 
Howard, 98, 99; renting of, 99 

Dishonesty, in servants, 35 et seq.; 
tendency of servants towards, 58- 
59 

Diversions, change of residence by 
noblemen as, 222 et seq.; the Rid- 
ing Household as, 226 et seq.; 
miscellaneous, of noblemen, 229 
et seq.; theatrical, of noblemen, 
230-231; music as, 231 et seq.; 
book-buying as, 234 et seq. 

Documents, preservation of the 
household, 145-146 

Dogs, in the household, 192-193 

Doncaster, White Friars of, 199; 
players of, 230 

Dotterels, as food, 79 

Doughtie, Michael, 15, 27 

Dover, dressing the Rood in Court 
at, 201 

Dresser, regulation of service for 
the, 129 

Drink, money to servants from no- 
blemen for, 38 

Drinking glasses, 85 



' ' Drinkings, ' ' service at, 150 

Drinks, the staple, 72 

Drummer, in the household, 21; his 
duties, 229 

Ducks, 78-79 

Dudley, Lord, players of, 230 

Dung, fee to servants, 56 

Durham, Bishopric of, Harrison on 
deer parks in, 105, note 

Earle, John, on Cooks, 125, note 

Easter, festival, 179; play on, 231 

Easter eve, offering at, 198 

Education, of servants by noblemen, 
42 et seq. 

Eel, salt, 80, 83, 94 

Eggs, 79 

Egret, as food, 67 

Elder flowers, water of, 82 

Elizabeth, Queen, food used at Lord 
North's entertainment of, 78-79 

Eltham, Castle, size of Great Hall 
in, 149 

Ely, fair, 108, 109 

Elyse, Harry, a "Gentleman Her- 
mit," 201 

Endive, water of, 82 

England, King of, Maundy Thurs- 
day service by, 196, note 

English, Hentzner's comment on, 9; 
foreign comment on love of food 
of, 64 et seq.; sea-food eaten by, 
69 et seq. ; use of ' ' spice ' ' by, 71- 
72; Harrison on breads of, 243- 
244 

Entertainment, food used by Lord 
North at Elizabeth's, 78-79; food 
gifts for, 122; details of, 172 et 
seq. 

Epiphany, Feast of, entertainment 
on, 167-168 

Eringoes, 73 

Essex, Harrison on deer parks in, 
105, note 

Essex, Earl of, son of, trained by 
Burghley, 34 

Estates, surveys of, 136 et seq. 

Evidence house, the, 145-146 



260 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[534 



Ewery, Yeoman of the, 14, 15, 21; 
fees of Yeoman of, 56, 57; temp- 
tations before Yeoman of, 58; 
Groom of the, 14, 21; service by 
Groom of the, 150, 216 ; Groom of, 
in Riding Household, 228; Linen 
for, 83; supplies in, 115; plate of 
Duke of Suffolk in, 116; supply 
rules for servitors of, 127; ser- 
vants of, at table, 153; service by 
servitors of, 157, 158, 159, 165; 
removal of equipment of, at 
change of residence, 225 

Exeter, Lord Marquis of, the players 
of, 230 

Expenses, Lord Burghley to his son 
on, 135; 9th Earl of Northumber- 
land to his son on, 135; for enter- 
tainment, 170 et seq. 

Extravagance, 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland's care against, in his 
household, 90 et seq. 

Fads in food, 74 et seq. 

Fagots, 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land's yearly supply of, 81; men- 
tion, 88 

Fairfax, Lord, table rules of, 163- 
164; regulations of, for entertain- 
ment, 172; books of Sir William, 
at Gilling, 236-237 

Fairs, supplies bought at, 107 et 
seq.; Harrison on, 107, 108; pat- 
ronage of, by noblemen, 108 et 
seq. 

Falconers, servitors, 14 

Family, members of a nobleman's, 
as household servitors, 11, 25-28 

Farmers, supplies bought from, 110 

Fastolfe, Sir John, Great Hall of, 
at Caister, 149; salt-cellars of, 
159; bed-rooms of, at Caister, 
202; equipment of bed-rooms of, 
204 et seq.; equipment of armory 
of, 214 

Fazesley, fair, 108 

Fees, paid to servants, 56 et seq.; 
Richard Brathwait on sale of, 57; 
a temptation to servants, 58-59 



Feet, neat's, as food, 78 

Fennel, water of, 82 

Ferns, water of, 82 

Festivals, special dishes bought for, 
83, 91; swans for food at, 105; 
fairs on, 108; special food for, 
119-120 ; entertainment at, 167- 
168 ; Church, observed by 5th Earl 
of Northumberland, 179 ; the poor 
remembered at, 195 et seq. ; alms 
at, 19S et seq.; plays on, 231 

ffarington, William, sketch of, 26; 
officer by patent, 49 

ffoxe, William, servitor in Stanley 
family, 27 

Fighting dogs, 230 

Figs, 81, 84; for Lent, 180 

Finances, Lord Burghley on house- 
hold, 135; 9th Earl of Northum- 
berland on household, 135; han- 
dled by the Receiver, 139; interest 
of noblemen in their, 146-147 

Fish, as food, 69 et seq.; amount of 
fresh, used weekly by Henry, Earl 
of Derby, 77, 78; yearly supply 
of, for 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 80; yearly supply of, for 
Earl of Rutland, 83-84; dressed 
with honey, 80; 5th Earl of 
Northumberland's regulations re- 
garding use of, 90 ; interest in, of 
John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, 
92 et seq.; ponds for, 92 et seq.; 
5th Earl of Northumberland's 
ponds for, 105-106; gifts by Lord 
John Howard of, 93-94; bought at 
fairs, 109, 110; presents of, 122; 
as Lenten food, 180 

Florence of Worcester, Chronicle of, 
237 

Food, allowances of, to servants, 62; 
the "reversion," 62; the English 
great consumers of, 64 et seq.; 
Van Meteren on English love of, 
64; Nicander Nuncius on English 
love of, 64; Harison on English 
use of, 65-66; Paul Hentzner on 
the English and their, 65, note; a 



535] 



INDEX 



261 



Venetian comment on the English 
and their, 65, note; Levinus Lem- 
nius on the English and their, 65, 
note; dietary of, for a nobleman, 
66 et seq. ; the ' ' gross, " 66 ; birds 
as, 66 et seq.; 78-79; fads in, 74 
et seq.; sea, used by English, 69 
et seq., 79; seal as, 69; porpoise 
as, 69; meats as, 70 et se"q.; 
brawn, receipt for, 70, note; 
"spice," used as, 71-72; grains 
as, 71; drinks, 72; the staple veg- 
etable, 72-73; the staple fruits as, 
73; herbs as, 74; sausages, 74; 
weekly expenditure of, in house- 
hold, 77 et seq.; amount used at 
Lord North's entertainment of 
Elizabeth, 78-79; of "store," 79; 
importance of problem of supply 
of, for household, 79; system of 
purveyance of, 79 et seq.; yearly 
purchase of, by 5th Earl of North- 
umberland, 80 et seq.; yearly pur- 
chase of, by Earl of Rutland, 83 
et seq.; regulations for use of, in 
household, 87 et seq.; an official 
assignment for, 87; gifts of, by 
noblemen, 121 et seq.; assay of, 
159, 160; courses of, 160 et seq.; 
special, for Lent, 179-180; alms 
in, 192 et seq.; use of, at noble- 
man's funeral, 197 
Fool, the household, 16. 20 
Footmen, servitors, 14, 16, 21; ser- 
vice of the, 154 
Foreign Expenses, the Clerk of the, 
14-15, and note; Clerk of, in Bid- 
ing Household, 228 
Fowls, gifts of, as food, 122 
French, as cooks, 74 
Froissart, Chronicles of, 236 
Fruits, gifts of, 122 ; the staple, 73 ; 
Harison on, 73 ; in noblemen 's 
gardens, 220 et seq. 
Fuel, yearly supply of, for Earl of 
Eutland, 85; supply of, for Lord 
John Howard, 97-98; regulation 
for use of, 87-88, and note; 5th 



Earl of Northumberland's regula- 
tion for, 89 et seq. 

Fulke, Testament of, 236 

Fumitory, water of, 82 

Funeral, of Francis Talbot, Earl of 
Shrewsbury, 63; servants at a no- 
bleman's, 63; food gifts sent in 
for a nobleman's, 122; the poor 
at a nobleman's, 197-198; the 
Gentleman of the Horse at a no- 
bleman's, 220 

Furnishings, moving of household, 
224 et seq. 

Furniture, regulation of Henry 8th, 
against theft of, by his servants, 
99-100 

Gallinga, 81, and note 

Garden, Yeoman and Groom of the, 
21 

Gardeners, servitors, 16; duties of 
the, 220 et seq. 

Gardens, to supply herbs for house- 
hold use, 106; noblemen's, 220 et 
seq. 

Garner, supplies in the, 113; the 
Clerks of the, 132; functions of 
Clerks of the, 133 

Garnish, set of dishes, 83, and note 

Gauge, Richard, Comptroller to 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 102 

Gascon wine, 80 

Geese, 78 

Gelentine, sauce, 68, and note 

.Gentleman Usher, the, Chapman's 
play, 156, 174-175 

Gentlemen, "at their friends' find- 
ing," in household of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 13 ; service by, 
in household, 31 et seq. ; the house- 
hold, at funeral of a nobleman, 
63; service by, in the Great Cham- 
ber, 149-150, 151; in the Riding 
Household, 228; Waiters, in ser- 
vice to Henry, Earl of Derby, 31 

Gentlewomen, in the household, 21 

Gerkins, 84 

"Gifts and Rewards," account book 
caption, 121 



262 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOE NOBLEMAN 



[536 



Gild, St. Christopher's, of York, 200; 
of Our Lady, at Boston, 201; St. 
Anne's, at Warden Abbey, 201 

Gilling, books of Sir William Fair- 
fax at, 236-237 

Ginger, 72; yearly supply of, for 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 80; 
mention, 84 

Gissing, George, 75 

Glass, window, household supply, 85 

Glocester, Lord of, Trumpets of the, 
233; the Shalms of, 233 

Glover, brevements of the, 131 

Gluttony, Brathwait on, 74-75; 
Stubbes on, 75-76 

Goat, as staple food, 71 

Godwits, birds, as food, 67, 69, 79 

Good Friday, charity on, 196-197 

"Goose-fair," 108 

Goshawk, 68 

' ' Gospeller, ' ' the, in household of 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 13, 
177; his duties, 178 

Gowns, part of servant wages, 53 
et seq. 

Grace, at meals, 159; said by the 
Chaplain, 182 

Grail, 180, and note 

Grain, used as food, 71 ; yearly sup- 
ply of, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 80 ; yearly supply of, for 
Earl of Rutland, 84; purchases of, 
by Lord John Howard, 95-96; 
source of supply of, for Earl of 
Rutland, 104 ; storage of, in house- 
hold, 113 
' ' Grains of Paradise, ' ' yearly sup- 
ply of, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 80-81, and note 
Grammar, Master of, in household 
of 5th Earl of Northumberland, 
43-44 
Gravesend, fair, 109 
Great Chamber, fees to Yeoman 
Usher and Groom of, 56 ; gaming 
in, 56 ; linen for use in, 83 ; food 
regulation for, 128, 129; size, lo- 



cation and importance of, 148- 
149; servant force for, 149 et seq. 

Great raisins, for Lent, 180 

Grecian wine, 72 

Grimsthorpe House, residence of the 
Berties, 223 

Groom, of the Great Chamber, fees 
to, 56, of the Hall, fees to the, 
56; duties of, of the Hall, 192- 
193; of the Cellar, duties of, 113- 
114; of the Buttery, duties of, 
114; of the Pantry, temptations 
before the, 58; of the Ward-robe 
of Beds, functions of, 202 et seq. 

Groom Officers, in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 14 

Grooms, in household of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 14; stations in 
the household, 21 ; supply regula- 
tions for the, 127; service by, in 
the Great Chamber, 150; of the 
Ward-robe, functions of the, 145 ; 
at table, 153 ; dinner service of, 
164-165; of the Horse, 218; in the 
Riding Household, 228 

Groom Sumpterman, the, 228 

"Gross emptions, " the, 79, 101 

Grouse, as food, 66 

Guests, entertainment of, 208-209, 
and note 

Gulls, as food, 79 

Gun Powder Plot, the, 24 

Haberdine, 69, 83; weekly amount 
of, used by household of Henry, 
Earl of Derby, 77, 78 

Haddon House, Great Chamber in, 
148-149 

Hadley, Minstrel of, 233-234 

Hales, Holy Blood of, 199, and note, 
200 

Hall, Marshal of, rewards servants,. 
39; Marshal of, in Riding House- 
hold, 228; Marshals of, servitors, 
13 ; Yeoman Usher of, 14 ; ser- 
vice by Yeoman Usher of, 150, 
164 et seq., 176, 227; Groom of, 
14; service by Groom of, 154, 



537] 



INDEX 



263 



192; Groom of, at table, 153; Un- 
der Almoner of the, 14; Yeomen 
of the, 15; Yeoman and Groom of 
the, 21; Officers at first table in, 
28, 62; fees to Usher and Groom 
of, 56; gaming in, 56; linen used 
in, 83; duties of servitors of, 116- 
117; food regulations for, 128, 
129; Usher of, his functions, 131, 
and note, 155, 192-193; breve- 
ments of Ushers of, 134; size, lo- 
cation and importance of, 148, 
149; food service in, 151 et seq.; 
servant attendance in, 151 ; ser- 
vice for guests in, 172 et seq.; 
entertainment in, 175 et seq. 

Hambledon, Yorkshire, 103 

Haras, 95, and note 

Harbinger, duties of the, 227-228 

Hare, a staple food, 71 

Harp, 233 

Harrison, William, on English use 
of food, 65-66; on birds used as 
food, 69; receipt of, for brawn, 
70, note; on wines, 72; on fruits, 
73; on herbs, 74; on pewter dish- 
es, 98-99; on markets and fairs, 
107, 108; on plate in households, 
115; on armories in households, 
214; on moving from residence to 
residence, 222; on the breads of 
the English, 243-244 

Hart's tongue, water of, 82 

Haws, water of, 82 

Hay, supply for 5th Earl of North- 
umberland of, 104 

Heads, of animals, fees to servants, 
56, 57 

Heating, see fuel 

Henry, the 8th, some household reg- 
ulations of, 22; officials of, train- 
ed by Wolsey, 33; regulations of, 
against stealing by servants, 99- 
100; regulations of, for his kitch- 
en, 124; directions for making the 
bed of, 206 et seq. 

Hentzner, Paul, comment of, on the 



English, 9; on the English and 
their food, 65, note; on Burgh- 
ley's garden at Theobalds, 221 

Herald, the, in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 13 

Heralds, in the Riding Household, 
228 

Herbs, the staple, 74; Harrison on, 
74; yearly supply of, for 5th Earl 
of Northumberland, 106; in gar- 
dens of noblemen, 220-221 

Hermit, Harry Elyse, a "Gentle- 
man," 201 

Heron, receipt for preparing, 67 

Heronsew, as food, 79 

Herring, 69, 79, 80, 83, 180 

Hersted, Minstrel of, 234 

Hind, staple food, 71 

Hippocras, 78 

Hogs, yearly supply for 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 80; yearly sup- 
ply for Earl of Rutland, 83, 111 

Holland, Co. Lincoln, 104 

Holland, players of, 230 

Holinshed, Chronicles of, 236 

Holywell, gifts to Prior and Con 
vent of, 201 

Honey, for fish dressing, 80 

"Hop-men," servitors, 16 

Hops, 72; yearly supply for Earl of 
Rutland, 84; amounts bought by 
Lord John Howard, 97 

Horse, the Yeoman of the, 14, 16, 
218; fees of Yeoman of, 56; Yeo- 
man of, in Riding Household, 228 ; 
Gentleman of the, 21; table of 
Gentleman of, 153 ; duties of Gen- 
tleman of, 218 et seq.; Grooms of 
the, 218 

Horses, feed for, 84 ; regulations for, 
for supply purveyors, 106; in pos- 
session of noblemen, 216 et seq. 

Hospitality, extent of, 165 et seq.; 
some reasons for, 169; manage- 
ment of, 170 et seq.; details of, 
172 et seq.; lodging of guests, 
208-209, and note 



264 



TPIE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[538 



Hounds, feed for, 57 
Household, meaning of term, 9 ; size 
of Tudor nobles', 9-11; groups of 
people in, 11; of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 11-15; of Henry, 
Earl of Derby, 15-16; of John 
Howard, Duke of Norfolk, 17-20; 
summary of Eichard Bertie's, in 
1560-1562, 240-241; a regulation 
noble, 20-21; reasons for uniform- 
ity of, in Tudor times, 21-22; role 
of tradition in the, 22; the Eoyal, 
the model for noblemen's, 22; 
some regulations of Henry 8th for, 
22; the problem of control in, 
23 ; Letters of 9th Earl of North- 
umberland on management of, 24; 
Lord Burghley's precepts on man- 
agement of, 24, note; Letters of 
James, 7th Earl of Derby on 
management of, 24, and note; reg- 
ulations of Earls of Derby for, 
91-92; character of officials of, 
25-31; trouble from relatives as 
servants in the, 28; noblemen's, 
as training schools for nobility, 
31 et seq.; yearly cost of 5th Earl 
of Northumberland's, 52; yearly 
cost of, to George, Duke of Clar- 
ence, 52; yearly cost of, to Ed- 
ward, Earl of Derby, 52-53; fees 
in, of the Earls of Derby, 57; 
payments for livery cloth in, 59 
et seq.; weekly expenditure of 
food in, 77 et seq.; yearly sup- 
plies of 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land for, 80 et seq.; yearly sup- 
plies of Earl of Eutland for, 83 
et seq.; an official assignment for 
supplies for, 87; sources of sup- 
plies for, 103 et seq.; time for 
getting supplies for, 111 et seq.; 
supply storage in, 113 et seq.; reg- 
ulation for control of supplies in, 
125 et seq.; clerks in, 132-133; 
sources of income for expenses of, 
135 et seq.; audit of expenses for, 



143 et seq.; preservation of docu- 
ments of, 145-146 ; food service in, 
151 et seq. ; service by relatives in, 
154; hospitality in, 165 et seq.; 
importance of religious service in, 
183 et seq.; movement of, between 
residences, 223 et seq.; duties of 
Musicians of the, 229; music in, 
231 et seq.; servants essential to 
a, 242 

Howard, Lord William, of Naworth 
Castle, size of household of, 11; 
his Steward, 27, note; method of 
paying servants of, 50, 51; source 
of supplies for use of, 104; acates 
bought by, 117, 246; rental book 
of, 136 et seq.; audit of accounts 
of, 143-144; narrative of enter- 
tainment by, 168 et seq.; charity 
of, 190; library of, 237 

Huntsmen, servitors, 14 

Indenture, for servant hire, 48-49 

Indies, fruits from the, 73 

Inventories, of bedding and appare], 
204 et seq.; of ward-robe of 
Henry, Earl of Stafford, 209 et 
seq. 

Invoicing, of household goods, 145 

Instruments, musical, 232 et seq. 

Iron, household supply, 85, 111 

Isinglass, "spice," 72, and note 

Italians, as cooks, 74 

Italian wine, 72 

James the 1st, garden of, 221 

Jefferies, Eichard, note from, 109, 
note 

Jesters, 230 

Jesuit, advice against hiring a, as 
servant, 47 

Jewel-house, in Leckinfield Castle, 88 

Joiner, servitor, 14 

Journal, book for supply accounts, 
126, 131 

Jugglers, 230 

"Kennices, " birds, as food, 67 

Kent, Harrison on deer parks in, 
105, note; fairs in, 108-109 



539] 



INDEX 



265 



Kent, Lord of, his minstrels, 233 
Kid, staple food, 71 
King, shalms of the, 234 
Kirkoswald, Great Hall of, 149 
Kirtling, Lord North of, 59; enter- 
tainment of Elizabeth at, 78 
Kitchen, Clerk of, 14, 18, 21, re- 
wards to servants, by Clerk of, 39 ; 
servant check-roll in hands of 
Clerk of, 45-46; servants sworn 
in by Clerk of, 47; Clerk of, and 
payment of servants, 51, 52; du- 
ties of Clerk of, 86, 87, 101 et 
seq., 112, 118-119, 120, 126, 127, 
129-130, 132, 133, 153, 154, 159, 
170, 171, 224, 227; Groom of the, 
14; children on duty in, 14; the 
service in, for Henry, Earl of Der- 
by, 16; Thomas Percy, Clerk of, 
to 5th Earl of Northumberland, 
27, 102; Michael Doughtie, Clerk 
of, 27; fees to Clerks of, 56, fees 
to Master Cook from, 57; linen 
for, 83; place and duties of servi- 
tors of, 122 et seq.; removal of 
stuff of, at change of residence, 
225 
"Kitcheners," the, 122 
' ' Knasbrughe, ' ' St. Eobert 's of, 200 
Knight's board, linen for, 83; the, 
153; attendance at the, 154; 
strangers at the, 172 
Knights, service by, in the house- 
hold, 31 
Knots, as food, 79 

Knowsley, residence of Earls of Der- 
by, 182; preaching at, 182, resi- 
dence at, 223 
Knox, John, 182 
Lady Day, festival, 179 
Lady Mass Priest, 177, 179 
Lamb, staple food, 71 
Lambs, number consumed at Lord 
North's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78 ; yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 80 ; year- 
ly supply of, for Earl of Eutland, 



83; as food, 90; Source of supply 
of, for Earl of Eutland, 103 
Lammas, festival, 179 
Lang du Boeuf, water of, 82 
Lard, provision of George, Duke of 

Clarence for, 58; mention, 79 
Larder, duties of Yeoman of, 114; 
supplies stored in, 114, 120 ; breve- 
ments of Clerks of, 134; removal 
of equipment of, at change of res- 
idence, 225 
Larderer, supply duties of, 130; 

brevements of, 131 
Lathom, residence of Earls of Der- 
by, 10; preaching at, 182; resi- 
dence at, 223 
Lathom Park, 223 
Laundresses, servitors, 16 
Laundry, Groom of the, 21 
Lazars, alms to, 201 
Lead, household supply, 85 
Leckinfield Castle, residence of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, school 
house in, 43-44; Jewel house in, 
88; regulation for fuel in, 87-88, 
and note; libraries in, 88, 235; hay 
made at, 104; "Carr" of swans, 
at, 104-105; bed-rooms in, 202; 
residence at, 223-224 
Lees, wine, fees to servants, 56 
Leland, Itinerary of, 235 
Lemnius, Levinus, on English and 

their food, 65, note 
Lemons, 73 

Lent, Officer's breakfast service dur- 
ing, 29; special food for, 111, 179- 
180 ; a breakfast menu for, 180 
Lenton fair, 108 
Lessons, in music, 232-233 
Lettuce, 72 

Libraries in Leckinfield, 88, 90, 235; 
in noblemen's houses, 234-235; of 
Lord William Howard, 237 
Light, supply of, for 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 82; supply of, 
for Earl of Eutland, 85, 104; on 
livery service, 152 



266 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[540 



Lincoln, players of, 230 

Lincolnshire, St. Margaret's, shrine, 
199 

Linen, yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 82-83; 
storage of, 115; purchase of, for 
George, Duke of Clarence, 115; 
purchase of, by Edward, Earl of 
Derby, 115; washing of, for 
church servitors, 179 

Ling, 69, 83; amount used weekly 
in household of Henry, Earl of 
Derby, 77, 78 

Liquors, storage of, 113-114 

Litchfield, fair, 108 

Livery, of wood, 89; food served at, 
152; cloth, payments in house- 
holds for, 59 et seq. 

Liveries, linen for, 83; the half, or 
summer, 90; dishes for, 91; reg- 
ulation for, 128 

Livy, works of, 236 

Lobsters, 69 

Lodge, the Porter's, inspection of 
by Officers, 29 

Lodges, purpose of, as residences, 
223 

' ' Lombard, ' ' John Howard, Duke 
of Norfolk borrows from a, 60-61 

London, Bartholomew fair at, 107; 
household supplies bought at, 110, 
111 

Lovell, Sir Thomas, size of house- 
hold of, in 1542, 10; Gentlemen 
in the service of, 31; method of, 
for paying servants, 49; servants 
paying wages for, 54; purchase 
of livery cloth by, 59; work done 
by Eeceiver for, 140 et seq. ; ser- 
vants of, in 1522, 239 

Lute, 14, 232, 233 ■ 

Lynn, mart, 107, lll;players of, 230 

Mace, 72, 84; yearly supply of, for 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 80 

Machiavelli, Discourses of, 236 

Mackerel, 69 

Make, Lord, minstrels of, 233 



Mallards, 78 

Malt, staple food, 71; yearly supply 
of, for 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 80; yearly supply of, for 
Earl of Rutland, 84, 104 

Malton, fair, 108 

Manchets, bread, 78 

Mandelslo, on the garden at Theo- 
balds, 221 

March-beer, 84 

Marchpane, 79 

Marigolds, water of, 82 

"Marke," of swans, 104 

Markets, supplies bought at, 107 et 
seq.; Harrison on, 107, 108 

Markham, Sir John and Lady, 122 

Marshal, of the Hall, service of, 
150, 154, 175-176; in the Riding 
Household, 228 

Master Cook, the, 21; fees paid to, 
57 

Master of Grammar, 177 

Mats, household supply, 85 

Maundy Thursday, charity on, 195- 
\j/ 196, and note 

Meals, servant attendance at, 150; 
service of, 151 et seq.; quiet en- 
joined at, 163; music at, 175; 
grace at, 182 

"Means," singers, 13 

Meat, yearly supply of, for 5tih 
Earl of Northumberland, 80; reg- 
ulation for buying, for the Earl 
of Rutland, 111; regulation for 
buying, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 111; storage of, 114; used 
as food, 70 et seq. 

Melons, 73 

Menu, for Lenten breakfasts, 180 

Menus, making of, for household, 
87; handling of the, 126 

Michaelmas, fair on, 108; festival, 
179 

Midsummer eve, festival, 179 

Miller, servitor, 15 

Minstrels, in household of 5th Earl 
of Northumberland, 14; in house- 



541] 



INDEX 



267 



hold of Edward, Earl of Derby, 
16; noblemen's, 233-234 

Misrule, Abbot of, 231 

Mole Killer, servitor, 19 

Money, rewards of, to servants, 38- 
39; dispensed as alms, by noble- 
men, 188 et seq. 

More, Sir Thomas, trained in Mor- 
ton's household, 33 

Morris-dancing, 230 

Morrow Mass Priest, 184 

Morton, Cardinal, More trained in 
household of, 33 

Mount, St. Michael's, 201 

Mounteagle, Lord, the players of, 
230 

Moving, by noblemen, 223 et seq. 

Muscadel, 72, 84, 111 

Music, at meals, 175; for church 
service, 178 et seq., 182-183; in 
the household, 229; lessons in, 
232-233 ; a household ' ' necessity, ' ' 
234 

Musicians, in the household, 21; 
play by the, at meals, 175; du- 
ties of, in the household, 229, 231- 
232; salaries of, 234 

Mussett, receipts by, 67-68 ; on the 
Godwit, 69; on porpoise, 69-70; on 
cray-fish, 70 

Mustard, Yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 81 ; 
yearly supply of, for Earl of Rut- 
land, 84 

Mutton, staple food, 71 ; yearly sup- 
ply of, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 80; yearly supply of, for 
Earl of Rutland, 83; supply of, 
for Lord John Howard, 95; 
source of supply of, for Earl of 
Rutland, 103 ; regulations for buy- 
ing, for 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 111 

Napkins, at table, 160 

Nativity, play of the, 231 
' ' Navews, ' ' vegetable, 72 

Naworth, residence of Lord William 



Howard, farming at, 104; enter- 
tainment at, 168 et seq.; books 
in the library at, 237 
Neale, Richard, 189 
Neat's tongue, 74, 78 
Newark, fair, 108; players of, 230 
New Lodge, regulation for fuel at, 
87-88, and note; residence at, 224 
New Park, residence of the Earl of 

Derby, 222, 223 
Newport, Cold fair at, 107 
New Year's day, swans for food on, 
105; festival, 179; music at dawn 
of, 232 
Nichols, John, Pilgrimage of, 236 
Noblemen, admonitions by, on house- 
hold management, 24, and note; 
relatives of, as household servants, 
25-28; advice by, to servants on 
obedience, 30 ; close relation of 
Officers to, 35 et seq.; in debt to 
servants, 36-37; special rewards to 
servants by, 37 et seq.; education 
of servants by, 42 et seq.; inter- 
est of, in hiring of servants, 45 
et seq. ; methods of, for reckon- 
ing servants' wages, 49 et seq.; 
wage payments to servants by, 52 
et seq.; fees paid to servants by, 
56 et seq.; allowances of cloth to 
servants by, 59 et seq.; shoes for 
servants bought by, 61 et seq.; 
food to servants from, 62; ser- 
vants at funerals of, 63 ; dietary 
for, 66 et seq. ; meats used by, 70- 
71 ; grains used by, 71 ; ' ' spice ' ' 
used by, 71-72; drinks of, 72; 
vegetables used by, 72-73; fruits 
used by, 73; food fads of, 74 et 
seq.; regulation by Henry 8th 
against theft of furniture by ser- 
vants from, 99-100; need for care 
by, for supplies, 100; patronage 
of fairs by, 108 et seq.; supply 
duties assumed by, 121; food ex- 
changed by, 121 et seq.; regula- 
tions of, for supply control, 125 



268 



THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[542 



et seq.; import of supply control 
to, 134; interest of, in their fi- 
nances, 146-147; food service for, 
151 et seq.; servant attendance at 
table of, 154; hospitality of, 165 
et seq.; emphasis by, on religious 
service in the household, 183 et 
seq.; charities of, 187 et seq.; 
comment on charities of, 201 ; poor 
at funerals of, 197-198; Gild 
membership of, 200; sleeping 
rooms in castles of, 202; care of 
clothing of, 203-204; clothing of, 
ward-robe of Henry, Earl of Staf- 
ford, 209 et seq.; armories of, in 
household, 213 et seq.; horses of, 
216 et seq.; gardens of, 220 et 
seq.; residences owned by, 222- 
223; moving by, between resi- 
dences, 223 et seq.; Eiding House- 
holds of, 226 et seq.; miscellan- 
eous diversions of, 229; theatri- 
cal diversions of, 230-231 ; music 
of, as diversion, 231 et seq.; pur- 
chase of books, etc., by, 234 et seq. 
Norfolk, John Howard, Duke of, 
size of household of, in 1483, 10; 
household of, 17-20; in debt to a 
servant, 36-37; special rewards to 
servants by, 38; servants' children 
maintained at Cambridge by, 44- 
45, note; method of, for hiring 
servants, 48-49; method of, for 
paying servants, 50; cloth furn- 
ished to servants by, 53 et seq. 
wife of, pays servants, 52, 53, 55 
servants hired by, 54 et seq. 
Steward pays servants of, 55 
purchase of livery cloth by, 59 et 
seq.; expenses upon elevation to 
dukedom of, 59, et seq.; pay- 
ments for servants' shoes by, 61 
et seq.; role of, as a purveyor, 
92 et seq., 96, 108, 109, 110, 121; 
charities of, 188-189, 200-201; pa- 
tronage of music by, 232-(233; 
dramatic amusements of, 233-234; 



Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of, 
Earl of Oxford in service of, 32 

Norfolk, Lady, minstrels of, 233 

North, Lord, stands God-father to 
child of a servant, 39; purchases 
of livery cloth by, 59; entertain- 
ment of Elizabeth by, 78 et seq.; 
Lenten food bought by, 180 

Northalerton, fair at, 108 

Northumberland, deer parks in, of 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 105 

Northumberland, 4th Earl of, Skel- 
ton on the servants of the, 25, 37; 
5th Earl of, Gentlemen in service 
of, 7-31; size of household of, in 
1512, 10; his household, 11-12; 
Thomas Percy, Clerk of Kitchen 
to, 27; the "secret house" of, 
27, 145; special food for Officers 
of, 28 et seq.; system of, for re- 
warding servants, 39; system of, 
for hiring servants, 45-47; Offi- 
cers by patent of, 49; method of, 
for paying servants, 49, 51-52 
yearly cost of servants of, 54 
servants paying wages for, 54 
kindly practice of, in hiring ser- 
vants, 54; on servants' fees, 57- 
58; school for servants, maintain- 
ed by, 43-44; yearly cost of es- 
tablishment of, 52; Bishop Percy 
on birds used as food by, 67; 
yearly purchase of food by, 80 et 
seq.; waters distilled for, 82; 
role of, in connection with sup- 
plies, 86 et seq.; fuel regulations 
of, 89 et seq. ; cost of supplies of, 
100; officers securing supplies for, 
102; regulations of, for securing 
supplies, 102; sources of supplies 
of, 104 et seq. ; patronage of fairs 
by, 108; regulations of, for pro- 
visions, 111, 112, 117, 119, 120, 
121, 127-128, 129; acates bought 
by, 118, 246; system of, for pay- 
ment for supplies, 141 et seq.; 
Lenten food purchased by, 179- 



543] 



INDEX 



269 



180; kitchen service of, 122-123; 
Surveyor of, a priest, 139; Sur- 
veillance of his Receiver by, 139- 
140; Great Chamber service of, 
149 et seq.; food service for, 152; 
choice of table service by, 154; 
hospitality of, 166; religious ser- 
vitors of, 177-178; choir service 
of, 178 et seq.; Lenten breakfast 
of, 180; vestry "stuff" of, 180- 
181; ruling of, for household ser- 
vice, 184; charity of, at festivals, 
195-196, 198, and note, 199 et 
seq.; Gild membership of, 200; 
bed-rooms of, at Leckinfield, 202, 
care of clothing of, 204; duties 
of ward-robe men for, 213; Ar- 
morers of, and their duties, 215- 
216; stable department of, 216 et 
seq.; residences of, 222-223; 
change of residence by, 223-224; 
Riding Household of, 227 et seq.; 
bear ward of, 230; dramatic 
amusement of, 231; rewards of, 
to his musicians, 232, rewards of, 
to players, 234; salaries of mu- 
sicians of, 234; libraries of, 235; 
bread orders of, 245; 6th Earl of, 
trained under "Wolsey, 33; 9th 
Earl of, advice to his son, 21, 
24, 28, 35-36, 40-41, 47, 62-63, 
135, 174; trouble of, with rela- 
tives in office, 28; betrayal of, by 
his servants, 35-36; on rewarding 
servants, 40-41; on hiring ser- 
vants, 47; comment on servants 
by, 62-63 

Norton, Sir John, Chamberlain to 
5th Earl of Northumberland, 54 

Norwich, Lord Bishop of, Gentlemen 
in household of, 32-33 

Nuncius, Nicander, comment on the 
English, 64 

Nursery, fuel regulation for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland's, 89, 90 

Nutmegs, 71, 84 

Oak leaf, water of, 82 



Oath, administered to new servants, 
47 

Oats, staple food, 71, 95; yearly 
supply of, for Earl of Eutland, 84 

Obedience, servants owe to their 
lords, 30 

Offences, punishment of servants', 
185 et seq. 

Offerings, "set" in candles, 198 

' ' Officer of Arms, ' ' the, in house- 
hold of 5th Earl of Northumber- 
land, 13 ; in the Riding House- 
hold, 228 

Officers, chief, in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 12; ser- 
vitors of, in household of 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 12; Yeo- 
men, 14; the Yeomen, to Henry, 
Earl of Derby, 15-16; the chief 
household, 20-21; character of the 
household, 25-31; noblemen's sons 
as, 25; of Henry, Earl of Derby, 
25-27; Brathwait on, 25, 107, 138, 
141; unique position of the house- 
hold, 28-29; general important 
functions of, 29-30; an example to 
others in the household, 30; close 
relation of, to noblemen, 35 et 
seq.; betrayal of their masters, 
by, 35 et seq.; servants' oath ad- 
ministered before, 47; duties of, 
58-59, 102, 126, and note, 185 et 
seq., 195, 225; at funeral of mas- 
ter, 63; white staves of office of, 
63; control over servants of, 123; 
rules for, 127 et seq.; breving of 
the, 133; finance, in household, 
135; Yeoman and Groom, in Great 
Chamber service, 150; food ser- 
vice of, 164; fuel supplies to 5th 
Earl of Northumberland's, 89; 
special fare for, 90; of the cloth- 
sack, 228 

Officer's board, the, 153; strangers 
at, 172 

Oil, for frying fish, 80, 84 

Olives, 73, 84 



270 



THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[544 



Oranges, 73 

"Order of Household," the, for 
supplies, 126 

Organs, of 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 179 

Oysters, 69, 79 

Oxen, number, used weekly as food, 
by household of Henry, Earl of 
Derby, 77-78 
/Oxford, Earl of, household of, reg- 
\y ulated by Wolsey, 32 

Page, Mr. Bushey, to Henry, Earl 
of Derby, 15 

Pages, in household, 21 

Painter, servitor, 14 

Palfreys, Groom of, 14 

Palm Sunday, fair at Worcester on, 
108 

Pantler, brevements of, 131, 134 

Pantry, Yeoman of, 14, 15; fees to 
Yeoman of, 56; service of Yeo- 
man of, 150, 154, 158; Yeoman 
of, in Riding Household, 228 ; 
Yeoman and Groom of, 21 ; tem- 
tations to Yeoman and Groom of, 
58; Groom of, 14; sale of fees of 
servants of, 57-58; linen for, 83 
supplies in, 114-115; duties of of 
fleers of, 115, 157, 161, 164-165 
plate in, of Duke of Suffolk, 116 
supply rules for servitors of, 127 
servants of, at table, 153 ; re- 
moval of contents of, at change 
of residence, 225 

Pardoners, alms to, 201 

Paris candles, 82 

Parks, for deer, of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 105; Harrison 
on, 105, note 

Parsley, water of, 82 

Partridge, as food, 66, 79 

Pasties, used at Lord North's enter- 
tainment of Elizabeth, 78 

Paston, Sir William, 140, 141 

Patent, servant offices held by, 49 

Pathway to Martiall disciplyne, the, 
237 



Pears, 72, 73 

Pease, yearly supply of, for Earl of 
Rutland, 84, 104 

Pepper, 71, 84; yearly supply of, 
for 5th Earl of Northumberland, 
80 

Perch, 69, 79, 92, 93 

Percy, Allan, 12; Henry, 12; Henry, 
6th Earl of Northumberland, 
trained under Wolsey, 33; Ingel- 
ram, 12; Lady Catherine, 12; Jo- 
seline, 12; Margaret, 12; Thom- 
as, 12; Sir William, 12; Thomas, 
Clerk of Kitchen to 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 27, 102; Robert, 
Comptroller to 5th Earl of North- 
umberland, 27, 142; Bishop, com- 
ment of, on birds eaten in North- 
umberland household, 67 

Perfect plote of a hope garden, a, 
237 

Pericles, Plutarch's, 77 

Petersboro, Abbot of, 122 

Pewits, as food, 79 

Pewter, dishes of, for festivals, 91 ; 
supply of dishes of, for Lord John 
Howard, 98; Harrison, on dishes 
of, 98-99 

Pheasant, as food, 79 

Pickerel, 94 

Pickles, samphire, 73 

Pig, staple meat, 70 

Pigeons, as food, 66, 78 

Pigs, number used at Lord North's 
entertainment of Elizabeth, 78 

Pike, 68, note, 79, 84, 92, 93, 94 

Pitch, household supply, 85 

Pit-coal, 85 

"Pistoler," the, 13 

Plate, 116; chapel, 181 

Players, rewards to, 231, 234 

Plays, 230-231 

Plover, as food, 79 

Plutarch, 77; works of, 236 

Poor, charity to, 188 et seq. ; enter- 
tained at festivals, 195 et seq.; 
at funerals of noblemen, 197-198 



545] 



INDEX 



271 



Porpoise, aa food, 69-70, 122 

Portenary, Alysandir, a ' ' Lom- 
bard," 60-61 

Porter, the Groom, 14; white stave 
of the, 63 ; duties of the, 183, 193, 
194 

Porters, the Yeomen, 21 

Potatoes, 72, 75 

Powdered cod, 94 

Praedium Eustieum, the, 236 

Preacher, in the household, 21 

Preaching in household of Earls of 
Derby, 182 

Precepts, of Lord Burghley, 24, and 
note 

Prickets, 82, and note 

Priest, a Lady Mass, 13 

Priests, in household of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 177-178; in 
household of John Howard, Duke 
of Norfolk, 17 

Primroses, water of, 82 

Proctor, Gefferay, Treasurer to 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 54 

Provisions, yearly supply for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 80 et 
seq.; yearly supply for Earl of 
Rutland, 83 et seq.; accounts for, 
86 et seq.; role of noblemen in se- 
curing, 86 et seq.; an official as- 
signment for, 87; regulations for 
use of, 87 et seq.; importance of 
officers handling, 101 ; the ' ' re- 
mainder" of, 102; for horses, 216 
et seq. 

Prunes, 72, 80, 84 

Puffins, as food, 67; Lawrence An- 
drewe on, 68-69 

Purcer, Thomas, 109 

Puritan, advice against hiring a, as 
a servant, 47 

Purslane, 73 

Pursuivant, 13 

Purveyance, system of, for food, 
79 et seq. 

Purveyor, the Yeoman, 21 

Purveyors, horses for, 106 



Quail, as food, 66, 78 

Quarions, 82, and note 

Quarter-day, pay system, for ser- 
vants, 50 et seq. 

Queen, players of the, 230 

Quiet, enjoined at meals, 163 

Rabbit, staple food, 71, 83; Source 
of supply of, for Earl of Rutland, 
103 

Radishes, 72 

Raglan Castle, Great Chamber in, 
148; Great Hall in, 149 

Rails, as food, 67 

Raisins, 72, 80, 81, 84 

Rank, emphasis on, in household, 
153-154, 173, 227 

Rapsley, parson of, 122 

"Rat-man," the, 18 

Rebec, 14, 232 

Receipts, 67-68, note, 70 

Receiver, the, 15, 21, 135, and note; 
ffarington, to Ferdinando, Earl of 
Derby, 26; rewards to servants 
paid by, 39; an Officer by patent, 
49; functions of the, 54, 59, 101, 
102, 136, 139 et seq., 144; table 
for the, 153 

Rectors, choir, 178-179 

Red mint, water of, 82 

Redshanks, as food, 79 

Red wine, 80, 96 

Regulations, household, of the Earls 
of Derby, 91-92 

Relatives, of noblemen, as household 
servants, 25-28, 154 

"Remainder," the, 102, 131-132 

Rentals, estate, 136 et seq.; con- 
trol by Receiver of, 139-140 

Residence, change of, by noblemen, 
223 et seq. 

Residences, owned by noblemen, 222- 
223 

Resurrection, play of, 231 

Revels, Master of the, 231 

' ' Reversion, ' ' the food, 62 

"Reward," the, 165, and note 

Rewards, paid to servants, 37 et 



272 



THE HOUSEHOLD OF A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[546 



seq., 130; pious, of the Earls of 
Rutland, 201 ; paid by noblemen, 
for amusement, 230, 231, 234 

Rhenish wine, 72, 84, 111 

Rice, 81, 84 

Rider, the Yeoman, fees of, 56 

Riding Chaplain, servitor, 177 

Riding Household, the, 226 et seq. 

Rigbie, Alexander, 27 

Robes, Yeoman of the, 14; Yeoman 
of, in Riding Household, 228 

Robinson, Paul, 92 

Roe, staple food, 71 

Roses, water of, 82 

Rosin, household supply, 82 

" Roughcaster, " the, servitor, 16 

Rough vessel, 83 

Royal palaces, Great Halls of the, 
149 

Rundlet, wine measure, 78, 84 

Rutland, Earl of, size of his house- 
hold in 16th century, 10; servants 
of, in 1539, 240; quarterly ser- 
vant hire of, 53 ; yearly supplies 
of, 83 et seq. ; fish ponds of, 92- 
93; source of supplies of, 103 et 
seq., Ill; patronage of fairs by, 
108; kitchen service of, 123; hos- 
pitality of, 167; payments for 
music by, 175 ; chapel ' ' stuff ' ' of, 
181; Elizabeth, Countess of, re- 
wards at christenings by, 39; 
House of, method of, for servant 
wages, 49-50; food gifts received 
by, 121-122; Haddon House, seat 
of, 148-149 ; charities of, 191, 201 ; 
miscellaneous amusements of, 230 

Roger, Earl of, his funeral, 122, 197- 
198; Thomas, Earl of, alms at 
funeral of, 197 

Ryall, vicar of, 122 

Rye, 71, 84 

Sack, 72, 78 

Saddles, fees to servants, 56 

Saffron, a "spice," 72, and note, 81 

Sage, water of, 82 

St. Andrews, 182 



St. Augustine, Meditations of, 236 

St. John's day, swans for food on, 
105 

Saints, images of, 181 

St. Stephen's day, 105 

St. Thomas's day, 105 

Salad, cress, 72; purslane as, 73 

Salisbury, fair, 108 

Salmon, 69, 80, 83, 180 

Salt, 72, 81, 84, 90-91 

Saltby, 103 

Salt-cellar, the, place and import- 
ance of, at table, 158-159, 173 

Samphire, 73-74, 84 

Sanders, 72, 81 

Sandes, London grocer, 96-97 

Sercenet, cloth, 209 et seq. 

Satin, 209 et seq. 

Sauces, 68, and note, 78 

Sausages, 74 

Scabious, water of, 82 

"Seambling" days, 87, and note 

School, in Leckinfield Castle, 43-44 

Scullery, children on duty in, 14; 
duties of servants of the, 116; 
supplies in, 116; plate of Duke 
of Suffolk in, 116; Yeoman and 
Groom of, 21; mustard made in, 
81; brevements of Clerks of, 134; 

Groom of, at table, 153; removal of 
equipment of, at change of resi- 
dence, 225 

Sea-coal, 81 

Sea-food, 79 

Seal, as food, 69, 122 

Secretary, household Officer, 13, 15, 
17, 21, 177; ffaringtou, to Ed- 
ward, Earl of Derby, 26; in the 
Riding household, 228 

"Secret House," the, 27, 145, 154 

Seneclow, Giles, 56 

Servants, punishment of, 30 ; be- 
trayal of masters by, 35 et seq.; 
creditors to noblemen, 36-37; spec- 
ial rewards for, 37 et seq.; cloth- 
ing to, 39, 59 et seq.; solicitude 
by noblemen for, 41-42 ; educa- 



547] 



INDEX 



273 



tion of, by noblemen, 42 et seq.; 
hiring of, 45 et seq., 48-49, 54; 
oath of office for, 47; offices of, 
by patent, 49; wages of, 49 et 
seq.; fees for, 56 et seq.; dishon- 
esty among, 58-59, 99-100; shoes 
bought for, 61 et seq.; food furn- 
ished to, 62 ; comment of 9th Earl 
of Northumberland on, 62-63 ; Ed- 
ward, Earl of Derby's kindness to 
his, 63; at funerals of noblemen, 
63; force of, for Great Chamber, 
149 et seq.; food service for, 153; 
under the Gentleman Usher, 155- 
156; at household services, 180 
et seq.; handling of offences by, 
185 et seq.; regulation for, at re- 
movals, 224 et seq. ; removal of 
stuff of, at removals, 226 ; of the 
Biding Household, 227 et seq. ; of 
Sir Thomas Lovell, in 1522, 239; 
of Earl of Butland, in 1539, 240; 
of Earl of Worcester, 241; those 
essential to a household, 242 

Sewer, servitor, 13 ; a nobleman 's 
brother as, 27; towel for the, 83; 
in Great Chamber service, 150 ; 
duties of, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159- 
160, 161 et seq., 173; Gentleman 
of Horse as, 220; in the Biding 
Household, 228 

Shakespeare, 73-74 

Shalms, the Lord of Glocester 's, 233 ; 
the king's, 234 

Shandon, Lord, players of, 230 

Sheep, 77, 78, 95 

Sherburne, Sir Bichard, 26 

Shide, measure, 89 

Shoes, bought for servants, 61 et 
seq. 

Shovelers, as food, 67, 79 

Shrewsbury, Francis Talbot, Earl 
of, his funeral, 63, 197 

Shrines, gifts at, by noblemen, 199 
et seq. 

Shrove Tuesday, festival, 179; play 
on, 231 



Signet, Clerk of, 14, and note; Clerk 
of, in Biding Household, 228 

Silver, vessels of, in households, 115- 
116 

Singers, in household of Duke of 
Norfolk, 18 ; for church service in 
households, 178 et seq. 

Sizes, 82, and note 

Skelton, the poet, on servitors of 4th 
Earl of Northumberland, 25, 37, 
69-70 

"Skerett," the, 72 

Skins, of animals, fees to servants, 
56 

Slaughter-house, lights made from 
products of, 104, 106; surveillance 
of, 130 

Slaughterman, fees of, 57; supply 
rules for, 127; brevements of, 131 

Slaughtermen, servitors, 16 

Sleaford, the players of, 230 

Sleeping-rooms, in castles, 202 

Snipe, as food, 79 

Soap, 72, 85 

Sorrel, water of, 82 

Spanish iron, 111 

Spanish wine, 72 

"Spice," use of term, 71-72, 80; 
yearly supply of, for Earl of But- 
land, 84; Lord John Howard's 
purchase of, 96-97 

Spicery, Clerks of, 132 ; functions 
of Clerks of, 133; brevements of 
Clerks of, 134 

Spinach, 72 

Sprats, 80, 180 

Stable, children on duty in, 14; ser- 
vice in, to Henry, Earl of Derby, 
16 ; Grooms of, 21 ; service of 
Grooms of, 154; fees paid to Yeo- 
men and Grooms of, 56; tempta- 
tions before servants of, 58; 
brevements of Clerks of, 134; de- 
partment of the, 216 et seq. 

Stafford, Henry, Earl of, ward-robe 
of, 209 et seq. 

Stags, number consumed at Lord 



274 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[548 



North's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78 

Stamford, residence of Lord Wil- 
loughby, 223 

Stanley, Sir Edward, 15; servants 
in the family of, 25-27; see also 
Derby, Earls of, etc. 

Starch, 72, 85 

Staves, white, Officers' symbols, 63 

Steel, 85 

Steers, number consumed at Lord 
North 's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78 

Steward, Officer, 12, 15, 17, 21; 
ffarington, William, to Henry, 
Earl of Derby, 26; Sir Richard 
Sherburne, to Henry, Earl of 
Derby, 25; special food for the, 
28-29, 90 ; to correct disobedient 
servants, 30; James, 7th Earl of 
Derby on the, 30-31; deference to, 
from noblemen in office, 34-35; 
letter from Lord John How- 
ard to his, 36-37; rewards to 
servants paid by the, 39; an Offi- 
cer by patent, 49; helps hire ser- 
vants, 49 ; pays servant wages, 55 ; 
other duties of, 101, 103, and note, 
104, 109, 110, 123, 126, 134, 135, 
and note, 188-189; process of get- 
ting money for, 141 et seq.; the 
table of the, 153; the "Learned," 
144 

Stints, as food, 67, 79 

Stirrup, Groom of the, 14; Groom 
of, in Riding Household, 221 

Stirrups, Yeomen of, 16 

Stock fish, 80, 94, 180 

Stoke, in Suffolk, residence of Duke 
of Norfolk, 17, 54, 55; supplies 
for, 92 et seq. 

Stoke, fair, 108 

Stone, water for the, 82 

Stone cruses, 83 

Stork, receipt for preparing, 67 

Stourbridge, fair, 107, 108, 109, 180 

Stow, John, on Edward, Earl of 
Derby, 31, 63, 195, 197 



Strange, Charles, Lord, admonitions 

to, on household management, 24, 

and note, 28, 30-31, 32, 42, 47- 

48, 59 

Strangers, entertainment of, 150, 

151, 165 et seq. 
Stubbe, John, 146-147, 214-215 
Stubbes, on English gluttony, 75-76 
Sturgeon, 69, 79, 80, 83 
Sub-dean, 13; duties of, 178 
Suffolk, Duchess of, stables of, 217- 
218, 219; Duke of, plate owned 
by, in 1535, 115-116; Chapel stuff 
of Duke of, 181 ; the players of 
Lady, 230 
Suffolk Place, 181 
Sugar, 71 ; yearly supply of, for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 80 ; year- 
ly supply of, for Earl of Rutland, 
84 
' ' Summons for slepers, ' ' a, 237 
Sumpterman, the Groom, 14 
Supper, making of menus for, 126; 
servants on duty at, 150 ; time for, 
152 
Supplies, role of noblemen in con- 
nection with, 86 et seq. ; need for 
care by noblemen for, 100; cost 
to noblemen, yearly, 100; Lord 
Burghley on purchase of, 101 ; 
duties of Steward with reference 
to, 101, 103, 104, 109, 110, 126, 
134; aids to Officers securing, 102; 
Officers securing for 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 102 ; sources of, 
103, 104 et seq. ; economy in pur- 
chase of, 106; bought at fairs and 
markets, 107 et seq.; from farm- 
ers, 110; when bought, 111 et seq.; 
duties of Officers handling, 112 
et seq.; storage of, 113 et seq.; 
in the Buttery, 114; in the Lard- 
er, 114; in Pantry, 114-115; 
acates, 117 et seq. ; regulation of 
Henry, Earl of Derby concerning, 
121 ; control of use of, 125 et 
seq.; bill of "remainder" of, 131- 
132; "remainder" of, 134; breve- 



549] 



INDEX 



275 



merits of, 134; import of care of, 
to noblemen, 134; payment system 
for, 141 et seq. 

Surplice, 180 

Surrey, Earl of, payments for ser- 
vants' shoes by, 61 et seq. 

Surveyor, Officer, 13, and note, 177; 
Officer, by patent, 49 ; functions 
of, 135, 136 et seq., 144 

Sussex, fair, 109 

Swans, as food, 78, 103-104, and 
note; a "Carr" of, 104-105 

Tables, set for food service, 153; 
manner of setting, 156 et seq. ; 
for guests, 172-173 

Taboret, 232 

Tabour, 14 

Tacitus, works of, 236 

Talbot, Sir Thomas, 26 

Taprobane, fruits from, 73 

Tar, household supply, 85 

Teals, as food, 67 

Temptations, before household ser- 
vants, 58-59 

"Tenable" Wednesday, 179 

Tenant farms, as sources of supplies, 
103 

Tenants, fish supply from, 105-106 

Tench, 79, 84, 92-93 

Terns, as food, 67, 79 

Theobalds, residence of Lord Burgh- 
ley, 189, 223; garden at, 221 

Thieving, servant's penchant for, 99- 
100 

Thompson, James, 63 

Thoreau, Henry D., 76 

Thornburg, seat of Duke of Buck- 
ingham, 167 

Tithe lambs, 103 

Tithes, supplies by, 103, 104 

Tomworth, Our Lady's bridge at, 
repair of, 201 

Topcliff, residence of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 222 

Torches, 82, 85 

Towels, 83 

Towneley, Sir Gilbert, 15 

Tradition, role of, in household, 22 



Treasurer, Officer, 12, 17, 21; Sir 
Richard Sherburne, to Edward., 
Earl of Derby, 26; servants' wag- 
es paid by, 54; duties of, 126, 
189 

Treasury, duties of Clerk of, in pay- 
ing servants, 52 

"Trebles," singers, 13 

Trenchers, of bread, 151, 160 

Trent, river, swans on, 104 

Trinity Sunday, festival, 179 

Tripe, 74 

Trout, 69 

Trumpeter, in the household, 21; 
duties of, 175, 229; in the Rid- 
ing Household, 228 

Turkeys, 78 

Turnsole, ' ' spice, ' ' 72, and note, 
81 

Twelfth day, fair on, 108 

Twelfth Night, swans for food on, 
105; festival, 179 

Udders, neat's, as food, 78 

Uffington, 110 

Usher, of Great Chamber, duties of, 
128-129, 131, and note; of the 
Hall, fees of, 56; duties of, 116- 
117 128, 129, 131, and note, 155, 
159, 160, 192-193; at table, 153 

Ushers, the Gentlemen, servitors, 13, 
21; servants sworn in by, 47; du- 
ties of, 149, 151, 153, 154, 155 et 
seq., 172 et seq., .173, 202-203, 
209; in the Riding Household, 228 

Ushers, the Yeomen, of the Cham- 
ber, 13; servants sworn in by, 47; 
fees of, 56 ; duties of, 150, 154, 
155, 164, 227; at table, 153 

Ushers, Yeomen, of the Hall, duties 
of, 151, 164 et seq., 227 

Van Meteren, comment on English, 
64 

Veal, 71 

Vegetables, 72-73; in gardens of no- 
blemen, 220 et seq. 

Velvet, 209 et seq. 

Venetian, comment of a, on English, 
65, and note 



276 



THE HOUSEHOLD OP A TUDOR NOBLEMAN 



[550 



Venison, supply of, for 5th Earl of 
Northumberland, 105 

Venus, Mount of, in garden at Theo- 
balds, 221 

Verjuice, 73, 81, 84, 104 

Vestments, 180, 181 

Vestry, Yeoman of, 14; equipment 
of 5th Earl of Northumberland's, 
180 ; removal of contents of, at 
change of residence, 225 

Vinegar, 73, 79, 81, 84, 91, 106 

Viol, 232 

Wages, servants', 49, 52 et seq.; 
fees, part of servants', 56 et seq. 

Waggoner, fees of, 56 

Wagons, fees to servants, 56 

"Waineries, " Yeoman of the, 16 

Waiters, Gentlemen, servitors, 13, 15, 
21; the Gentlemen, at table, 153; 
service of the Gentlemen, 154; the 
Yeomen, 14, 21; the Yeomen, to 
Henry, Earl of Derby, 16; the 
Yeomen at table, 153; in Biding 
Household, 228 

Wallaton, see Willoughbys 

Walsingham, Our Lady of, 199, and 
note, 200 

Waltham, Parson of, 122; Abbot of, 
122 

Wande, William, 104 

War, a Brief Discourse of, Wil- 
liams's book, 236 

AVarden, Abbot of, 122 

Wardens, 73 

Ward-robe, Grooms of the, 14; 
Grooms of, in Biding Household, 
228; functions of Grooms of, 145; 
children on duty in the, 14 ; con- 
tents of a, 205-206; removal of 
contents of, at change of resi- 
dence, 225; Henry, Earl of Staf- 
ford's, 209 et seq. 

Ward-robe of Beds, Yeoman of, 15; 
mention, 21 ; duties of servitors 
of, 202 et seq. 

Warrants, money by, for supplies, 
141 et seq. 



Warrens, Harrison on, 105, note; of 
Earl of Butland, 103 

Washing, before meals, 159; after 
meals, 162 

Waters, kinds, distilled for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 82 

Wax, 82, 199-201 

Weapons, in household armories, 
213-214 

Wearing Book, Clerk of the, 15, and 
note 

Well-rope, household supply, 85 

Wheat, 71 ; amount used weekly, by 
household of Henry, Earl of Der- 
by, 77-78; yearly supply for 5th 
Earl of Northumberland, 80 ; year- 
ly supply for Earl of Butland, 84, 
104 

Wheels, broken, fees to servants, 56 

White staves, the Officers', 176 

White wine, 72, 80 

Whitsunday, festival, 179 

Wick, for candles, household supply, 
82 

Widgeons, as food, 67 

Widmerpoole, Thomas, 27, and note 

Wigan, players of, 230 

Wild tansey, water of, 82 

Willoughbys, of Wallaton, patronage 
of fairs by, 108-109; purchases at 
fairs of, 109-110; acates bought 
by, 118, 246; hospitality of, 166- 
167; charity of, 190, 196-197, 201; 
patronage of music by, 232 

Wines, the staple, 72; Harrison on, 
72; consumption of, at Lord 
North's entertainment of Eliza- 
beth, 78 ; Gascon, 80 ; yearly sup- 
ply of, for 5th Earl of Northum- 
berland, 80; yearly supply of, 
for Earl of Butland, 84; secured 
at Boston, 111; at libery service, 
152 

Withdrawing room, "box" for gam- 
ing in, 56 

"Wolpett," fair, 108, 109 

Wolsey, regulation of household of 



551] 



INDEX 



277 



Earl of Oxford by, 32; noble- 
•men's sons trained by, 33 

Wolsthorpe, 103 

Wood, for fuel, 81; for charcoal, 85 

Woodbine, water of, 82 

Wood-yard, supplies stored in, 116- 
117 

Worcester, Earl of, size of household 
of, in 16th century, 10; Steward 
of Earl of, 27, and note; Gentle- 
men in service of Earl of, 31 ; 
Waiters of Earl of, 154; summary 
of servants of Earl of, 241; Bag- 
Ian, seat of Earls of, 148; fair at, 
108 

Works, Clerk of the, 15, and note 

Worme, William, 143 

Wormwood, water of, 82 

Wressil, seat of 5th Earl of North- 
umberland, hay made at, 104; lo- 
cation of, 222-223 ; residence at, 
224 

Wyatt, Sir Henry, 141 

Wythyham, fair, 109 



Yeoman, fees to Cellar, 56; duties of 
Cellar, 113-114; the Ewery, 115; 
fees to Ewery, 56-57; temptations 
before Ewery, 58; fees to the 
Pantry, 56; temptations before 
the Pantry, 58; duties of the 
Pantry, 115; duties of the But- 
tery, 114; duties of the Larder, 
114; duties of the Scullery, 116; 
duties of the Wood-yard, 116-117, 
126, and note; duties of Beds, 
145, 150, 202 et seq.; the Vestry, 
180; the Horse, 218 

Yeoman Purveyor, 110 

Yeomen, stations in household, 21; 
at funeral of master, 63; supply 
regulations for, 127 et seq. ; du- 
ties of, 150 et seq., 154; dinner 
service of, 164-165; in the Riding 
Household, 228 

Yeoman 's board, the, 153 ; service at 
the, 154 

York, St. Christopher's Gild of, 200 

Yorkshire, deer parks of 5th Earl of 
Northumberland in, 105 

















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